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The Colombian and Venezuelan 
Republics 



' "The 

Colombian and Venezuelan 
Republics 

With Notes on Other Parts of Ce?itral 
and South America 

BY 

WILLIAM L. SCRUGGS 

LATE ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY 

OF THE UNITED STATES TO COLOMBIA AND 

TO VENEZUELA 

With Maps and Illustrations 
New Edition 

WITH A CHAPTER ON THE 

PANAMA CANAL 



BOSTON 

LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY 

1905 



iBRARY of GQ88SESS 

Two Copies rfeceive« 

JAN 3| 1905 
Oouyngnit uitry 

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Copyright, 1900, 1905, 
By Little, Brown, and Company. 

All rights reserved 



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UNIVERSITY PRESS • JOHN WILSON 
AND SON • CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. 



ft? 



Introduction 



THE following pages contain a brief account 
of the Author's personal experiences, observa- 
tions, and studies in Central and South America, 
and more particularly in the republics of Colombia and 
Venezuela, during the period of twenty-seven years, 
from 1872 to 1899. 

During the greater part of that time, his official and 
professional relations with the Governments and peoples 
of those countries afforded him exceptional opportuni- 
ties for studying their early history and civilization, 
their constitutions of government, their present political 
and social conditions, their great natural resources, and 
their future commercial possibilities. 

The comparatively little hitherto known of those 
beautiful and interesting countries, especially in the 
United States, and the general awakening to their com- 
mercial importance and the consequent desire for some 
authentic and reliable information concerning them, 
have induced the Author to publish these Notes, in the 
hope of stimulating further inquiry, and of inducing 
closer relations between the Latin and Anglo-Saxon 
races of the two Americas. 

The descriptive chapters were written on or near the 
exact spots described, and have been carefully revised, 
from time to time, as those localities have been re- 



vi Introduction 

visited, or as they have undergone material changes, 
during the past quarter of a century; the aim being 
accuracy of statement, rather than to satisfy any popu- 
lar demand for the marvellous and improbable. 

The chapters relating to the various inter-oceanic 
canal projects, to the Mosquito Coast controversy, to 
the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, to the race 
problem in the Americas, to Democracy in Latin 
America, to South American " revolutions," to the 
rights and duties of foreign residents therein, to social 
and religious customs, to the Anglo-Venezuelan boun- 
dary dispute in Guayana, to the final award of the 
arbitration tribunal in that dispute, and to other kin- 
dred topics, are deemed essential to a clear understand- 
ing of the present political conditions of those countries, 
and of their relations to each other and to the United 
States. 



Contents 

CHAPTER I 

THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMA 

Page 
First impressions — The town of Colon- Aspinwall — Its 
origin — Tropical rain-storms — Topography and cli- 
mate — Social conditions — General aspect of the coun- 
try — Mixed population — Traditions and historical remi- 
niscences — The isthmus in diplomacy, etc i 

CHAPTER II 

PANAMA CANAL PROJECTS 

General Simon Bolivar's scheme for interesting foreign capi- 
tal — Origin of the De Lesseps' scheme — Its relation to 
the United States — Joint guarantee of the neutrality of 
the isthmian transit — Why it was rejected by England 
and France — The conditions under which the United 
States became the sole guarantor — This not affected by 
the De Lesseps' concession of 1878, etc 16 

CHAPTER III 

THE OLD SPANISH MAIN 

The City of Carthagena — Ancient traditions — Spanish- 
American commerce in the 17th century — The Old 
" Dique," or Magdalena Canal — Savanilla and Barran- 
quilla — Changes there during 25 years — Present con- 
ditions of trade, etc. , 26 



viii Contents 

CHAPTER IV 

THE VALLEY OF THE MAGDALENA 

Page 
Topography and climate — Relics of a past civilization — 
Gorgeous tropical scenery — Traditions and peculiarities 
of the river — Condition and character of the inhabitants 

— Exuberance of vegetable and animal life, etc. .... 38 

CHAPTER V 

A MULE RIDE IN THE ANDES 

Some odd experiences — Sudden changes of temperature — 
Grandeur of the mountain scenery — Mt. Tolima — The 
snow limit — Extinct volcanoes — An ancient highway — 
Some curious local customs, etc 49 

CHAPTER VI 

THE COLOMBIAN CAPITAL 

First impressions — Why strangers usually like it — Its geo- 
graphical position — Traditions — Historic landmarks — 
Humboldt's house — Bolivar's suburban residence — 
Public buildings, etc. 63 

CHAPTER VII 

THE ALTA-PLAIN OF BOGOTA. 

Topographical conformation — Climate and soil — Charac- 
ter of its inhabitants — Agricultural products — Tradi- 
tions and antiquities — Religion and government of the 
aboriginal tribes — Their superstitions, etc 77 

CHAPTER VIII 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 

How the Anglo and Latin Americans misunderstand each 
other — Military and literary titles — Odd forms of speech 

— Curiosities of dress — Social life — The priest a social 
favorite — Religious forms — Sundry laws and customs, 

etc. ....,., 89 



Contents ix 



CHAPTER IX 

THE RACE PROBLEM IN AMERICA 



Page 



Slavery in the Spanish-American Colonies — Era of negro 
importation — Race mixtures — Effects on social and 
political life — Probable race of the future in tropical 
America, etc 104 

CHAPTER X 

DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AMERICA 

Conditions which made the successful revolt of 1810 possible 
— Twelve years of armed conflict — Federal Union of 
1819-30 — Why it failed — Bolivar as a statesman, etc. . 123 

CHAPTER XI 

THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED 

Jeffersonism in practice — Experimenting with universal suf- 
frage — The result — The re-action, etc 136 

CHAPTER XII 

SPANISH-AMERICAN " REVOLUTIONS " 

Their nature — Their cause — How conducted — Colom- 
bian Revolution of 1861 — The re-action of 1884 — Ven- 
ezuelan Revolution of 1870, etc 146 

CHAPTER XIII 

RIGHTS OF FOREIGNERS IN SOUTH AMERICA 

Their treatment in South America — Abuses of United States 
citizenship — Who are American citizens ? — Legislation 
needed — Status of American women married to for- 
eigners — The passport system, etc 156 

CHAPTER XIV 

COLOMBIA AND ITS POSSIBILITIES 

Geographical position — Territorial area — Topographical 
pecularities — Climate, soil, and products — Primitive 
modes of transportation, etc 170 



x Contents 



CHAPTER XV 

THE ISLAND OF CURACAO 

Page 
WiJlemstad — Peculiarities of the city — Climate and pro- 
ducts of the island — Leprosy and its causes — Character 
and condition of the people, etc 180 

CHAPTER XVI 

THE VENEZUELAN COAST 

Harbors and roadsteads — Some interesting localities — 
Mythical story of Sir Francis Drake — Trinidad and the 
Gulf of Sighs — The asphalt lakes, etc 192 

CHAPTER XVII 

CARACAS AND ENVIRONMENTS 

The Chacao Valley — Its climate — Plan of the city — Pub- 
lic buildings — Traditions — Historical reminiscences, 
etc 205 

CHAPTER XVIII 

WHERE IS VENEZUELA? 

Some strange inquiries — Genera! aspect of the country — 
Favorable geographical position — Topography and cli- 
mate, etc 220 



CHAPTER XIX 

STAPLE PRODUCTS OF VENEZUELA 

Cotton planting — Tobacco culture — Sugar plantations — 
The coffee and chocolate industries — Indigenous fruits, 
etc. 227 

CHAPTER XX 

MINERAL RESOURCES OF VENEZUELA 

Ancient gold mines — Copper and iron ores — Coal and 

asphaltum — Thermal waters, etc 237 



Contents xi 



CHAPTER XXI 

A WORD ABOUT THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

Page 
What it is, and how it originated — Scope of its meaning 
and application — Its attempted violations — The diplo- 
matic blunder of 1850 — Precedents and principles, 
etc. . . 242 

CHAPTER XXII 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE MOSQUITO COAST 
CONTROVERSY 

How that controversy originated — Principles involved — 
The treaty of 1 786, whereby England renounced all claim 
there — How England's claim was subsequently revived; 
and how it was finally abandoned, etc 257 

CHAPTER XXIII 

THE DISPUTED EL DORADO 

Origin of the fable of El Dorado — Its supposed locality — 
Origin of the boundary dispute in Guayana — The con- 
troversy inherited by Venezuela and England — Descrip- 
tion of the territories in dispute, etc „ 268 

CHAPTER XXIV 

THE ANGLC-VENEZUELAN BOUNDARY DISPUTE 

The principles involved — How and under what circum- 
stances the United States interposed in 1895 — The 
boundary commission of 1896 — The protocol and treaty 
of arbitration of 1897 — A new principle incorporated 
into the law of the nations, etc 285 

CHAPTER XXV . 

THE AWARD BY THE ARBITRATION TRIBUNAL OF 1 899 

Nature and character of the tribunal — Constituted a tri- 
bunal of jurists, not a commission of plenipotentiaries — 
The question as submitted to its decision — The con- 



xii Contents 



Page 



ventional " Rules " by which it was to be governed — A 
new departure in the doctrine of prescription — The 
facts in the case as proven — Principles of public law 
applicable thereto — The final award a compromise; an 
expedient rather than a judicial decision — Description 
of the new divisional line, etc 306 

CHAPTER XXVI 

THE PRINCIPLE OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 

Arbitration as applied to individual disputes, as old as civili- 
zation itself — How it became a part of the English juris- 
prudence — ■ How incorporated into the laws of the United 
States — How and when it was first applied in settlement 
of international disputes — The proposition to establish a 
permanent court of international arbitration, etc. . . . 326 

CHAPTER XXVII 

« 

MORE ABOUT " PANAMA CANAL PROJECTS " 

Expenditures, etc., of the De Lesseps Company — Assets of 
the company — Origin and purpose of the " New Panama 
Canal Company" — Origin of "the Hepburn Bill" — 
President McKinley and the Nicaragua route — Origin 
of "the Spooner law" — The " Hay-Heran Treaty" — 
Its rejection by Colombia — Panama declares her inde- 
pendence of Colombia — Recognition of the new republic 
by the United States — Convention between the United 
States and Panama for construction of ship canal, etc. — 
Doctrine of non-intervention — Nature of the guarantee 
by the United States in the treaty of 1846, etc. . . . 334 



APPENDIX A. Treaty of arbitration for the settlement 
of the Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute in Guayana, 
June 14, 1897 . . . . 353 

APPENDIX B. Convention between the United States and 
the republic of Panama for the construction of a ship canal 
between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, Feb. 26, 1904 . 363 

INDEX 375 



Illustrations 



Scene on the La Guayra and Caracas Railroad . . . Frontispiece 

PAGE 

Interior of a Fruit Market, Bogota 63 

Carib Indians of Guayana 87 

Forest View, Northwest Coast Region, Guayana . . . . 115 

Patio or Inner Court of a Private Residence ...... 136 

Federal Palace, Caracas 156 

La Guayra 180 

Caracas seen from La Guayra Station 205 " 

View of Caracas from Mont Calvario . i\\ v 

Water-front, Angostura (Ciudad Bolivar), on the Orinoco . 223 

MAPS 

FACING PAGE 

Republic of Colombia 25 

Republic of Venezuela . . . 192 

British-Venezuelan Guayana ........... 324 



The Colombian and Venezuelan 
Republics 



CHAPTER I 

THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMA 

IT was in the midsummer of 1873 when I saw the 
Isthmus of Panama for the first time. In all 
probability it could not have been seen at a more 
unpropitious season nor under more unfavorable cir- 
cumstances. The " sickly season " had already set in, 
somewhat earlier than usual; there had just been a 
local "revolution" with all its attendant disorders; and 
the whole Province seemed to be on the verge of 
anarchy, financial ruin, and moral bankruptcy. I have 
visited that locality many times since ; have been an 
eye-witness of its many subsequent changes for the 
better ; have kept in pretty close touch with it during 
the past quarter of a century ; and some of the happiest 
years of my life have been spent among the Colombian 
people. But I shall probably never be able to get en- 
tirely rid of my first unfavorable impressions of the 
Colombian isthmus ; and, despite all its many recent 
improvements and its prospective importance, I doubt 
whether its Atlantic side will ever look quite so charm- 
ing on close inspection as it does some leagues distant 
« 1 



2 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

from the upper deck of an ocean steamer. That was 
the way it impressed me twenty-seven years ago, and 
it is the way it impresses the stranger to-day. 

Our vessel was the old Henry Chauncy, a clumsy, 
wooden " side-wheeler " of a past era and generation. 
She was on her final voyage before giving place to the 
modern iron keel with screw propeller. With the fair- 
est of weather, and without accident of any kind, we 
had been nine whole days and nights out from New 
York, touching only at Kingston, Jamaica, for about 
an hour. The same trip is now made by one of the 
modern " greyhounds " of the ocean in about half 
that time, at a reduced cost, and with much more 
comfort to the passengers. 

About eight o'clock in the morning of the tenth day 
out, the watchman at the forecastle called out, " Land ! " 
There was the usual rush forward by the passengers, 
glass in hand, to see what was to be seen. What we 
saw was something resembling a twisted green ribbon, 
barely perceptible, at the junction of sea and sky; 
something which some poetic genius on board called a 
" microscopic shadow on the outer hem of space." 

As we drew nearer, this dim outline gradually broad- 
ened and deepened ; and very soon it assumed the 
form and proportions of an indented shore of crescent 
shape, clothed in that bright emerald green peculiar 
to the American tropics during the " rainy season." 
By ten o'clock we were safely anchored in the harbor, 
only a few rods from the northern or Atlantic terminus 
of the trans-isthmian railway. Our poetic conceptions 
of the place, excited by the distant view some hours 
ago, now began to vanish rapidly and forever; for we 
were face to face with what was then perhaps the filth- 
iest, the unwholesomest, and most disorderly and re- 
pulsive hole of a place in all Christendom. 



The Isthmus of Panama 3 

One of the passengers — a gentleman of culture and 
position — hired a negro porter to carry his trunk from 
the steamer to the railway station less than two hundred 
yards distant. The price agreed upon was fifty cents, 
which was all the fellow had asked. When he got within 
less than a dozen paces of the station, he threw down the 
trunk and demanded five dollars ! The owner remon- 
strated, mildly but firmly. In less than five minutes 
he was surrounded by a threatening mob of negroes 
and half-breeds, all yelling and cursing at the top of 
their voices. To prevent a riot, one of the resident 
consuls advised the gentleman to pay the five dollars, 
which he did, " with curses not loud but deep." 

I relate this incident as merely illustrative of the dis- 
orders then prevailing at the little seaport town which 
all Anglo-Americans called Aspinwall, but which all Co- 
lombians as persistently called Colon. This confusion as 
to the name of the place had a capricious Origin, by the 
way; and, trivial as it now seems, it once led to a some- 
what vexatious diplomatic controversy. Away back in 
the early fifties, when the Panama Railway Company 
(an American corporation) made their final survey of 
the route, the Atlantic terminus was located in a swamp 
a little southward of Old Navy Bay. No white man had 
ever attempted to live there, and the reptiles and red 
monkeys had never been disturbed in their possessions, 
even by the Indians. But now that this malarious and 
inhospitable spot was to be the site of a seaport town, it 
had to have a name. Several names were proposed, but 
none seemed to " stick." Finally, when the road was 
nearing completion, a banquet was given by the man- 
agers, at which were present as honored guests all the 
native local officials, and also several members of the 
Colombian cabinet who had come all the way from 
Bogota to participate in the general jubilee. Champagne 



4 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

flowed freely, and amid the hilarities some one proposed 
to call the prospective new town " Aspinwall," in honor 
of the first president of the road. The motion was 
promptly seconded and unanimously adopted, and the 
best speech of the occasion was made by Dr. Parades, 
then Colombian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Some years afterwards, when, by constitutional amend- 
ment, the name of the country itself was changed from 
New Granada to Colombia, dissatisfaction arose with the 
name of Aspinwall, and the Congress of the Republic 
changed it to Colon in honor of the discoverer of the 
continent. 1 This was all well enough. Nobody disputed 
the right of the Government to give names to towns and 
cities within its own domain and jurisdiction. Besides, 
the name selected was by no means inappropriate. But 
the blunder consisted in the failure to notify the new 
name to the outside commercial world or even to the 
officers of the railway company. So it continued to be 
called Aspinwall by everybody except Colombians, and 
even they sometimes wrote it " Aspinwall-Colon." 

Finally, in 1872, when our diplomatic agent at Bogota 
applied for the usual exequatur for a newly-appointed 
consul at Aspinwall, he was politely told there was " no 
such place as Aspinwall in Colombia ; " but that if the 
name Colon were substituted in the consul's commis- 
sion, there would be no difficulty in obtaining the 
desired exequatur. This created surprise at Washing- 
ton, and for a while Mr. Hamilton Fish, then Secretary 
of State, was disposed to construe the attitude of the 
Bogota government as discourteous. But satisfactory 
explanations soon followed, and ever since then Colon 
has been accepted as the legal name of the place, 
though some thoughtless people still write it " Colon- 
Asp in wall." 

1 Cristobal Colon is the Spanish for Christopher Columbus. 



The Isthmus of Panama 5 

But to return to the isthmus itself. As we lay at 
anchor by the wharf, the scorching rays of the sun had 
already drawn up the mists and vapors of the forenoon 
into great banks of cloud, which hung heavily on the 
mountain sides, or floated in broken fragments over in- 
tervening swamps and watercourses. It was easy to 
trace the serpentine course of " the deadly Chagres " 
through the mountain fastnesses by the dense volume 
of white vapor which hovered just above the surface. 
Very soon these floating masses of steam (for they 
were little else), began to cohere and darken the sky, 
and in a few moments the sun was completely obscured. 
Then came a gust of damp chilly wind, followed by a 
blinding flash of lightning and a deafening roar. The 
next moment the whole vapory mass came down in 
perfect torrents. I had witnessed many midsummer 
thunderstorms on our Gulf coast, but never before had 
I seen anything like this. The water seemed to come 
down, not in a community of well defined raindrops, 
but in solid sheets, which soon covered the already wet 
and smoking earth to the depth of many inches. 

This downpour continued without cessation for about 
an hour, and then ceased altogether, quite as suddenly 
as it had begun. The sun now shone out with such 
dazzling brightness and power as to almost benumb the 
senses. The heat was intense beyond description. 
Very soon the hot, murky vapors began to rise in dense 
and sickening folds from the fever-laden earth. The 
lagoons and watercourses smoked like so many cauld- 
rons. The perspiration streamed from every pore of 
the body. Bathe and shift your clothing never so often, 
you were always wet and clammy. A strange feeling of 
suffocation came over you as you attempted to inhale 
the wet, poisonous atmosphere ; and one was made to 
think of the " Carboniferous period," when the earth was 



6 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

yet too new and crude and too densely enveloped in 
rank and noxious vapors to be a fit habitation for man 
8 — the era when birds were yet slimy reptiles, and the 
remote ancestors of the human race were without tree- 
tops in which to gambol. 

This interval of roasting, or rather boiling, was of 
short duration, for very soon there was another sudden 
and ominous darkening of the sun ; another chilly gust 
of wind ; another blinding flash of lightning, followed 
by another downpour of the floods. And thus the long 
summer day was made up of regular alternations of 
drenchings and roastings, with an ever-varying tempera- 
ture ranging between the seventies and nineties, result- 
ing in the usual complement of liver and stomach 
disorders, the end of which usually was violent and 
often fatal ague and fever. 

True, this was in the beginning of the so-called in- 
viemo, or " wet season," when tropical fevers are most 
frequent and fatal. What is called the verano (" sum- 
mer ") or dry season, is better. It is less unhealthful, 
and with proper care a stranger may sojourn there 
for a few weeks or months without constant dread of 
the cemetery. But at no time can Colon be considered 
a healthy locality, nor in any respect a very desirable 
place of residence. The streets, though very much im- 
proved of late, are often impassable in wet weather, and 
never attractive when dry. The town is environed by 
stagnant ponds and lagoons, and the inland breeze is ■ 
always laden with deadly malaria. Sickening odors 
assail the nostrils at every turn. Even the dogs and 
donkeys look forlorn and unhappy. You seldom hear 
a hearty laugh, or see a cheerful face. The only species 
of animate nature which seems to really enjoy life here 
is the mosquito. He comes in swarms so thick that 
you are constantly afraid to take a deep breath, lest you 



The Isthmus of Panama 7 

inhale a whole mouthful of the poisonous pests. Day 
and night he is your constant companion. If by vigor- 
ous fanning you keep him from your face and neck, he 
will slip in unawares and attack your hands. If you 
put on thick gloves or sit under a bunker, he will man- 
age to reach your ankles and legs through your socks 
and trousers. And, be never so careful, he will gener- 
ally manage somehow to get inside your netting, and 
keep you awake the better part of the night. 

However, this is but one side of the picture. Colon 
is not the isthmus, any more than is the isthmus Col- 
ombia ; and strangers should not prejudge one of the 
most picturesque and beautiful countries on the Conti- 
nent by what little they see of it on the coast. Even 
the isthmus has its brighter side ; for if we would form 
anything like a correct estimate of it we must pass over 
to the Pacific shore. The distance by rail is forty-seven 
miles, and the cost of transportation about twenty-five 
dollars in American gold coin. The time required is 
about three hours ; some of our fast mail trains would 
make the same distance in less than one hour. But 
here, not even the railroads take much note of time. 
They have printed schedules, but seldom follow them 
to the minute, and I never heard of a belated passenger 
being " left." The conductor will generally wait for him 
if he happens to be a little late ; and the train will stop 
along the line apparently for no other purpose than to 
allow passengers to see the country and dicker with the 
fruit peddlers. 

During the first hour's ride from Colon to Panama 
there is very little to be seen. The country is a mere 
succession of swamps and lagoons, where it would seem 
impossible for human beings to live. Yet even before 
the country was partially reclaimed from a wilderness 
state by the railway, there were occasionally seen rude 



8 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

huts inhabited by Indians, negroes, and mestizos. A 
little further on, we see cone-shaped hills with interven- 
ing lagoons and rapidly-running streams. Before the 
De Lesseps Canal Company cleared away the forest and 
jungle, and thus changed the whole aspect of the country, 
these hills and little mountain slopes were covered with 
dense forests, which were resonant with the screams of 
red monkeys and the shrill notes of tropical birds. All 
along the railway, even in this unfavored region, one 
now sees little towns and settlements, but few or no 
good houses. The habitations are, for the most part, 
thatched-roof sheds with dirt floors; and their inmates 
can hardly be classed as belonging exclusively to either 
of the three primal races. They are a curious mixture 
of red, white, and black ; crude evidence of that lax 
morality which prevailed here in early Spanish Colonial 
times. Just how these unfortunate people manage to 
live, or why they never had the energy and ambition to 
better their condition, nobody seems to know ; yet they 
are apparently happy in their life of poverty and 
wretchedness. They have few wants of body or mind, 
and one almost envies them an existence which seems 
to have no cares. The indigenous plantain and banana 
afford a cheap and convenient substitute for bread ; and 
fish from the streams and lagoons, and a few yellow- 
legged chickens, afford all the meat they want. Occa- 
sionally one sees an inferior specimen of the domestic 
pig, or a forlorn looking, half-famished donkey, and 
sometimes a few domesticated ducks; but there are no 
cows or horses or other live-stock, and one rarely sees a 
vegetable garden. 

As we ascend the dividing ridge between the Atlantic 
and Pacific shores, we perceive a marked change for the 
better. The whole aspect of the country is different. 
The temperature, though but a few degrees lower, is less 



The Isthmus of Panama 9 

oppressive. The air is purer ; the environments are 
more cheerful and inviting ; and we no longer experi- 
ence that strange mental depression which we felt a while 
ago on the Colon side. As we begin the gradual descent 
of the water-parting ridge towards the Pacific coast, the 
beauty of the landscape often charms us, and we are 
tempted to forget all trie discomforts and annoyances of 
Colon. The country is more thickly populated, the 
houses are better, the people look cleaner, healthier, 
stronger, and more self-respecting. 

But even here they are not quite angels, either in 
appearance or in disposition ; and you must know them 
and their language if you would get along pleasantly 
with them. Treat them civilly and kindly, and you are 
almost sure to receive civil and even courteous treatment 
in return. But have a care how you touch their sensi- 
bilities or wound their vanity ! Serious disturbances 
sometimes result from a mere thoughtless jest. The 
great riot of 1856, for instance, grew out of an altercation 
between an ignorant railway passenger and a native 
fruit peddler. The passenger fancied he was being 
swindled out of a few cents in the price demanded for a 
pineapple, and coarsely remonstrated. Very soon he 
lost his temper and began to call ugly names in very 
bad Spanish. In less than ten minutes an angry crowd 
had collected : and in a few minutes more the whole 
neighborhood was in an uproar. The excitement soon 
spread ; and before order could be restored, some sixty 
people had been killed outright, and many more 
wounded. It was many long years before the affair was 
definitely and amicably adjusted, for it became the 
subject of a protracted and vexatious diplomatic cor^ 
respondence, and was finally referred to a mixed 
Commission. 

The city of Panama occupies a tongue of land which 



io Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

extends some distance out into the great shallow bay. 
On the outer edge of this bay, several miles from the 
mainland, is a beautiful group of small islands which 
were once coveted by Great Britain, and which our 
own Government once made a blundering effort to ac- 
quire by purchase. Thirty years later when we might 
have had them for almost the asking, we did not want 
them! The city, as I first saw it in 1873, was not 
unlike scores of others in Spanish America ; but since 
then there have been many notable changes, which give 
it more individuality. Many fine buildings have been 
erected, among them a modern hotel that would be 
a credit to almost any city. The population is variously 
estimated at from thirty to forty thousand ; I believe no 
correct census has ever been taken. At one time during 
the booming era of the De Lesseps Canal bubble, the 
resident and floating population probably amounted to 
fifty thousand. Since then the town has suffered some- 
what, like some in our own country that got into the 
hands of" boomers," but it is still reasonably prosperous. 

The site of the old town of Panama, founded in 15 18, 
is some five or six miles distant from the present city, 
and is now a ruin. But it was an important place in its 
day, and became the radiating point of Spanish civiliza- 
tion on the South Pacific coast. Here dwelt the good 
prelate Luque who befriended Pizarro when that mis- 
creant most needed a friend, and who was the recipient 
of characteristic ingratitude and ill-treatment in return. 
Pizarro was guilty of a hundred baser acts ; but if this 
had been the only instance of his treachery and ingrati- 
tude, it would have been enough to consign his name to 
eternal infamy. 

It was on the outskirts of this historic spot that I once 
witnessed a most singular blending of superstition and 
religious devotion. There was an odd looking pile of 



The Isthmus of Panama 1 1 

stones, some ten or twelve feet high, which seemed to 
have been loosely thrown together without much design. 
On the crest of this was an old iron cross, half consumed 
by rust. On one side of the rock pile (for it was little 
else), opening from the ground, was a rude doorway, 
barely large enough to admit a man's body on hands 
and knees. This led back to an inner cavern (it could 
hardly be called a room), wherein lighted tapers were 
burning. In this and beneath a rustic altar, was a 
quantity of human bones, collected in a sort of stone 
urn. The attendant friar, getting his dates a little 
mixed, told me these were the mortal remains of some 
early Christian missionaries who had died on this iden- 
tical spot early in the sixteenth century. I asked him 
how he knew this. " Ah, senor mio," said he, " such is 
the tradition of holy men, and I accept it." If he enter- 
tained any doubts as to its truth, others of the faithful 
did not ; for the place was visited regularly at intervals 
during the year by simple-minded Indians from a dis- 
tance who deposited their pesetas} and renewed their 
vows over the bones of the saintly dead. 2 

The so-called " State " of Panama is coextensive with 
the isthmus of that name, and comprises an area of about 
30,000 square miles. Its present population is perhaps 
400,000, including an independent tribe of Indians who 
are said to number about 8,000. It is the most northern 
of the nine constituent commonwealths of the present 

1 A. peseta is a native silver coin, corresponding to the franc, worth 
about sixteen cents. 

2 Paracelsus stated what is now an admitted scientific fact when he 
uttered these remarkable words : — " Whether the object of your faith be 
real or false, you will nevertheless obtain the same effects. Thus, if I 
believe in Saint Peter's statue as I have believed in Saint Peter himself, 
I shall obtain the same effects that I should have obtained from Saint 
Peter. But that is superstition. Faith, however, produces miracles ; 
and whether it is a true or a false faith, it will always produce the same 
wonders." 



12 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Colombian union, and to most foreigners is better known 
than the Republic itself. The result is that one of the 
most beautiful and interesting countries on the continent 
is habitually misjudged by what little is here seen of it. 

And yet, strange to say, this is precisely the section 
of which Colombians seem to feel most proud. Like a 
deformed and useless member of a family, it is a sort of 
pet of the household, humored and spoiled and habitu- 
ally deferred to by all the others. It has already cost 
the central Government, in the way of reclamations 
growing out of local disorders, more than the entire 
"State" would bring if put up at auction; and yet if 
you would touch the pride of the average Colombian at 
the most sensitive point, just intimate that his Govern- 
ment might be induced to part with the sovereignty of 
the isthmus! He believes Panama to be "the navel of 
the world," and that at some time or other, and in some 
manner, not very clear even to his own mind, it will be 
the source of fabulous wealth. Stranger still, he seems 
to have the impression that this particular spot is espe- 
cially cQveted by all the nations of the world, and that 
"the United States of the North" (as he persistently 
miscalls the title of our Government), is merely awaiting 
some favorable pretext to take forcible possession of it. 
Nevertheless, every time the federal Government at Bo- 
gota gets into some serious trouble with its " revolution- 
ists " on the isthmus, it importunes the Washington au- 
thorities to intervene for the preservation of order there. 

The general topography of the isthmus may be 
described as a succession of hills and valleys with inter- 
vening swamps and rapidly-running streams. The great 
central range of hills, often rising to the dignity of 
mountains, which separates the Atlantic and Pacific 
watersheds, is merely the extension of the great western 
cordillera of the Andes, which, under a different name, 



The Isthmus of Panama 1 3 

continues through Central America, Mexico, and the 
United States, and is finally lost in the icy slopes of 
Alaska. The Atlantic side is drained by the Atrato and 
the Chagres. ; the Pacific side by the Tuya and its con- 
fluents. The head-waters of the Atrato and of the Tuya 
are not a great way apart, with a sort of table-land 
swamp intervening; and there is an Indian tradition 
that some of the early buccaneers once passed from one 
to the other in light canoes and pirated a small settle- 
ment on the Pacific coast near Darien. 

It is interesting to note how persistently this shadowy 
tradition of a natural water-pass across the isthmus 
hangs about the early literature of the country. We 
find frequent allusions to it, not only in the Spanish 
poems and romances of the seventeenth century, but 
likewise in the colonial state papers and official corre- 
spondence of a much later date. The most remarkable 
instance occurs, however, in an official communication 
by the Governor of Panama (one Don Dionicio Alceda) 
which bears the date of 1743. In that communication, 
speaking of the River Mandingua (the former name of 
the Atrato), the Governor says : 

" It rises in the mountains of Chepo and runs east- 
ward some four and a half leagues, to the Atlantic. The 
navigation of this river is very properly prohibited under 
the pain of death, owing to the facility it affords for 
passing from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans. This 
passage was effected in the year 1679 by the arch 
pirates Juan Guartem, Eduardo Blomar, and Bartolome' 
Charpes. These freebooters," the Governor goes on to 
say, " were tried for their crimes by audience of the vice- 
royalty, and as they could not be had in person to suffer 
the just punishment, they were burned in effigy at Santa 
Fe (de Bogota), while they were yet ravaging the settle- 
ment on both sides the isthmus." 



14 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

A most remarkable judicial proceeding, certainly, and 
viewed at this distance of time it challenges credulity ; 
yet we are obliged to admit that it is not out of rela- 
tion with those strange times, nor incongruous with 
much that is of record amongst the old Spanish colo- 
nial archives at Seville and Madrid. 

Even as late as 1874 this misty tradition of a natural 
pass between the two oceans had a curious revival in 
official circles at the Colombian capital. The national 
Congress of the Republic had appointed a special com- 
mittee to investigate and report upon the feasibility of 
an inter-oceanic ship canal by the then much-talked-of 
Atrato route. The chairman of this committee, a civil 
engineer by profession, but more of a poet than a man 
of affairs, prepared and submitted an elaborate paper 
in which he undertook to prove by citations of old 
Spanish archives (which he claimed to have personally 
examined in Seville and Madrid) that there was a nat- 
ural water-pass somewhere on the isthmus, from ocean 
to ocean, as late as the beginning of the seventeenth 
century. 

Some months later there appeared at Bogota a sort 
of cosmopolitan crank of the name of Gorgoza, who 
represented himself as the agent of a syndicate formed 
in Paris, " for the exploration of the isthmus of Panama 
with a view of opening a ship canal across it." In an 
address delivered before a joint committee of both 
houses of Congress, Gorgoza stated positively that he 
had himself traversed this natural pass as late as 1868. 
When asked why he did not report this fact to the 
United States Naval Commission, then engaged in mak- 
ing a survey of the isthmus in that vicinity, he said he 
did report the fact to Captain Selfridge, but was " merely 
laughed at ! " When asked who were his attendants at 
the time, he replied that he was accompanied by two 



The Isthmus of Panama 1 5 

men, one of whom had since died, and that he had for- 
gotten the name of the other ! 

Nevertheless, there were not wanting people who 
gave credence to this very absurd story ; and Gorgoza 
was secretly encouraged, as I afterwards learned, by 
more than one of the European representatives at the 
Colombian capital. There was also, at that time, a feel- 
ing of uneasiness among Colombian statesmen about 
the survey then being made of the Nicaragua route by 
the United States Naval Commission ; and it was prob- 
ably thought that the consideration shown to Gorgoza 
might again direct the attention of the United States to 
the old Atrato route. At any rate, Gorgoza finally ob- 
tained his concession, which he carried to Paris in No- 
vember, 1876. In the following February, the Paris and 
London newspapers began to publish a series of notices 
of an " International Geographical Congress," which was 
proposed to be held in Paris under the auspices of the 
Paris Geographical Society, of which count Ferdinand 
de Lesseps was then president. This was preliminary 
to the farcical " Canal Congress," held in Paris some 
months later, at which delegates from the United States 
consented to become mere spectators. The outcome 
of it all was the Bonaparte-Wyse Expedition of 1878, 
sent out ostensibly to survey the isthmus under the 
Gorgoza concession, but really for the purpose of ob- 
taining Avhat afterwards became known as " the Salgar- 
Wyse Contract" of that year, under which M. de 
Lesseps and his associates began operations. 

Such was the curious origin of what a French lawyer 
has characterized as " one of the most daring and gi- 
gantic swindles of modern times," of which, however, 
more will be said in a succeeding chapter. 




CHAPTER II 

PANAMA CANAL PROJECTS 

iERHAPS there was never a time in the history 
of Colombia when some project looking to the 
opening of an inter-oceanic canal across the 
isthmus of Panama was not a subject of agitation and 
discussion. Even before the date of the first formal 
declaration of the independence of the country, in 1810, 
the matter had been frequently discussed ; and it con- 
tinued to be agitated at intervals during the whole 
period of the twelve years' war. But the first serious 
movement in that direction seems to have originated 
with General Simon Bolivar during the last years of 
that struggle, and precisely at the time when the cause 
of independence seemed least hopeful. 

Soon after Bolivar became invested by the Colonial 
Congress with dictatorial powers, he sent out an agent 
authorized to propose an inter-oceanic canal scheme to 
the merchants and capitalists of London, the real ob- 
ject being to stimulate a formal recognition of the new 
Republic through the commercial powers of Europe. 
After many rebuffs and vexatious delays, this agent 
finally succeeded in interesting some British capitalists, 
who agreed to furnish the money necessary to the 
success of the enterprise, provided the absolute neutral- 
ity of the canal should be guaranteed by some mari- 
time power able to maintain it. This could not then 
be obtained, and so the scheme failed. 



Panama Canal Projects 17 

The next effort was made in 1822. The United 
States had, at the instance of Mr. Clay and John Quincy 
Adams, formally recognized the new Republic, but all 
the great maritime powers of Europe held aloof through 
deference to the so-called " Holy Alliance." In order 
to stimulate them to formal recognition, President Boli- 
var asked and obtained from the federal Congress of 
Colombia authority to open negotiations with foreign 
capitalists, or with some foreign government, for open- 
ing a ship canal across the isthmus. The authority was 
readily granted, but no maritime power could be found 
willing to guarantee the neutrality of the transit, or 
Colombia's sovereignty over the isthmus itself, and so 
the scheme was again defeated. 

It, however, continued to be discussed by the press 
and public men of Colombia, and was again revived 
in the proposed Panama Conference of American states 
in 1826. The Colombian delegates to that first Pan- 
American Congress were instructed to " favor any rea- 
sonable project looking to a water transit of the isth- 
mus ; " but, as the Congress itself was a failure, the 
canal scheme was again doomed to defeat, or at least 
to indefinite delay. 

It was again revived in 1830, when President Bolivar 
took active measures to have the isthmus explored by 
a corps of competent engineers. But even before the 
commissioners had reached the scene of their labors, 
internal political dissensions arose, which finally re- 
sulted in the disruption of the Colombian Union. 

In the partition of territory which followed, the 
isthmus of Panama fell to the lot of New Granada 
(now Colombia), and in 1836 a concession was granted 
to certain capitalists, or rather to certain individuals 
who claimed to represent foreign capitalists, who pro- 
posed to organize an international company for the 

2 



I 8 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

purpose of opening the canal. The company was never 
organized, and the scheme again failed. But in the 
executive decree declaring the concession forfeited, an 
offer was made to treat with any company financially 
able to fulfil the agreement, and there soon followed in 
quick succession a multitude of concessions, none of 
which, however, ever amounted to anything. 

Thus the matter stood in 1850, when an American 
company obtained the concession for the construction 
of the present Panama railway. 

Still, the canal scheme would not " down." It con- 
tinued to be talked about, both in Colombia and the 
United States, and finally, in 1868 Mr. Caleb Cushing 
was sent by our Government as special envoy to Bogota 
instructed to obtain a concession for the survey of the 
isthmus with a view to the construction of a ship canal 
by what is known as " the Atrato route." He suc- 
ceeded in negotiating a favorable treaty; but the 
Colombian Congress, to which it had to be referred 
for ratification, so altered and amended it as to make 
it unacceptable. 

Negotiations were renewed in 1870, but failed of any 
practical results. 

Meantime, the completion of our first transcontinental 
railway had interested American capital in a different 
direction. The canal project, however, still continued 
to be talked about. The feasibility of the Panama 
route had come to be doubted, and the whole question 
was finally referred to a Naval Commission which was 
instructed to survey and report upon the proposed 
Nicaragua route. 

This stimulated activity among the public men ot 
Colombia, who now began to look again to European 
capital for the consummation of their long-cherished 
scheme. The result was the concession of 1878, gen- 



Panama Canal Projects 19 

trally known as the " Salgar-Wyse Contract," under 
which Ferdinand de Lesseps organized his ill-fated 
company. 

The history of that company is still fresh in the pub- 
lic mind. In many respects it is probably without a 
parallel in the annals of bold and shameless rascality. 
When the company finally broke down and became 
bankrupt, in 1889, comparatively little work had been 
done, though fabulous sums of money had been spent. 
No one who had taken the trouble to familiarize him- 
self with the origin and history of that company, or 
who was cognizant of its peculiar business methods, 
was surprised at the result. Indeed, no one competent 
to judge ever believed that the canal could be opened 
on the route indicated. Possibly some modified plan 
might be adopted by the French government, which 
seemed likely at one time to fall heir to the Company's 
concession and assets ; but in that case, international 
complications would be almost certain to arise, which 
would seriously involve the United States government. 
For, no matter by whom opened, the canal would be 
merely an artificial strait communicating between two 
open seas, and its navigation would have to be regu- 
lated by the same rules of international law which 
govern the navigation of straits in general. The only 
exceptions that could be claimed for it would be such 
modifications as might become necessary for the pro- 
tection of the individual rights of the shareholders. 

Under the modern rules of international law, when 
the navigation of both seas is free, the navigation of 
the connecting channel is likewise free ; and this is true, 
although the connecting channel be bounded on both 
sides by the territory of some sovereign state, and be so 
narrow as to be easily commanded by cannon-shot from 
both sides. In such cases, the territorial jurisdiction of 



20 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the sovereign is modified by the public right of passage 
from sea to sea ; but, while this is true, the public right 
of passage is itself modified by the right of the sovereign 
through whose territory the channel passes. He may 
prescribe such rules and regulations as he may deem 
necessary to his own safety; and these, under certain 
contingencies, may amount to a positive prohibition. 
Thus, although open and free to all private merchant 
vessels of whatever nationality, the channel could be 
declared closed, as a matter of right, to all public armed 
vessels whenever this should become necessary to the 
safety of the state through whose territory it passes. 
And this would necessarily imply the right of the state 
to enter into alliances, offensive and defensive, for the 
enforcement of the closure against possible enemies ; 
which, by the way, was precisely what Colombia did 
as early as 1846, by article 35 of the treaty of that 
date with the United States, and that treaty is still in 
force. 

Another rule, applicable in such cases, is that the 
sovereign through whose territory the channel passes 
may exempt his own subjects from payment of tonnage 
or other duties, without thereby invalidating his right 
to unconditionally withhold such privileges from the 
subjects or citizens of other states. He may likewise 
exempt the subjects or citizens of his ally, and thus 
place them upon an equal footing with his own, without 
impairing his right to withhold such privileges from the 
subjects or citizens of all other nations. And this, 
again, is precisely what Colombia did by the treaty of 
1846, wherein she guaranteed to the citizens of the 
United States " all the exemptions, privileges, and im- 
munities," with respect to the isthmian transit, present 
and prospective, " enjoyed or to be enjoyed by Colom- 
bian citizens." 



Panama Canal Projects 21 

Nor is this all. In article 35 of that treaty, Colom- 
bia guarantees " to the Government of the United States 
the right of way or transit across the isthmus of Panama, 
upon any modes of communication " now in existence 
or that may hereafter be constructed, " free of all en- 
cumbrances or restrictions whatsoever." With respect 
to the " Government " of the United States, therefore, 
the right of passage is absolute. Its war vessels may 
pass and repass without restrictions. While with re- 
spect to " citizens " of the United States, their right of 
passage is limited only by the conditions imposed upon 
Colombian citizens — the consideration in both cases 
being " the efficient guarantee by the United States " of 
the neutrality of the transit, and of Colombia's sover- 
eignty and dominion over the isthmus. 

It soon became manifest, therefore, that, in case the 
canal should be completed, no matter by whom, this 
treaty of 1846, still of force, would stand in the way of 
French dominion on the isthmus. For it would have 
been the most natural thing in the world for the two 
signatory powers (Colombia and the United States) to 
declare the passage closed, " as a matter of right," to 
the public armed vessels of all other nations ; in which 
case, not even France could have justified a formal pro- 
test. No two principles are more permanently incor- 
porated into the public law of Europe than that which 
excludes all foreign armed vessels from straits passing 
through the territory of some sovereign state ; and that 
which admits to the free navigation of such straits all 
private merchant vessels of whatever nationality. Thus, 
by the treaty of Adrianople, of 1829, Russia and her 
allies were admitted to the free navigation of the Black 
Sea, while the entry to the Straits of Constantinople 
and to the Dardanelles was prohibited to the war 
vessels of all other nations. And by the treaty of 



22 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

London, in 1841, the entry of foreign armed vessels 
was prohibited, while those waters were declared open 
and free to merchant vessels of all nations. Later on, 
when by the treaty of Paris, of 1856, the Black Sea 
was declared neutral, the straits leading to it were 
declared closed "as a matter of right" to the war ves- 
sels of all nations except those of the allied powers. So 
also in 1871, when this treaty was modified by the Lon- 
don conference, the two principles — closure to war 
vessels and freedom to merchant vessels — were reas- 
serted ; and the declaration was further emphasized by 
the admitted right of the allies " to agree to the harm- 
less use" of the straits by public armed vessels of the 
other powers. 

In his clandestine efforts to induce the Colombian 
Congress to abolish or modify the 35th article of the 
treaty of 1846, M. de Lesseps once pointed out, through 
one of his secret agents, that, under the provisions of 
the Salgar-Wyse Contract, of 1878, a like closure of the 
Panama canal would be such a violation of the vested 
rights of the company as would compel the French 
government to interfere. He had strangely overlooked 
the fact that nowhere in that contract had Colombia 
assumed an obligation to permit the free passage of 
public armed vessels ! All that Colombia had stipulated 
was that when such vessels were allowed to pass, the 
company had the right " to fix toll rates," etc., and it 
was competent to Colombia, acting in concert with her 
ally, to declare that " when." In other words, the 
special privilege of fixing tolls and establishing regula- 
tions as to public armed vessels in the canal, could have 
no existence until after the right of passage by those 
vessels had been specifically granted ; and aside from 
this, even if Colombia had incautiously obligated herself, 
in advance, to allow such vessels to pass, the obligation 



Panama Canal Projects 23 

would have been a nullity by reason of the prior grant 
to the United States. 

It was during the discussion of these questions, and 
while M. de Lesseps and his associates had salaried 
agents in the United States, that the suggestion some- 
how originated in Washington to the effect that " if the 
treaty of 1846 was to be construed as an alliance with a 
weak and impecunious South American state, the best 
thing to do would be to modify article 35, or else 
abolish it entirely." No one seemed to know just where 
or how this suggestion originated, but it was certainly 
favored by more than one influential newspaper in New 
York. It was argued very ingeniously, by one or two 
half-American journals, that we could not afford to dis- 
regard the traditions of the country by entering into 
" entangling alliances" even for the purpose of control- 
ling the isthmian transit; and Washington's Farewell 
Address was freely cited in support of this position. 

All this is now what newspaper men would call 
" ancient history." But it is not without interest as 
showing the real nature of the De Lesseps canal bubble. 
Those who were in a position to know had every reason 
to doubt his sincerity from the first; for any other 
conclusion would have been at the expense of his 
reputation as a man of affairs. True, he may have been 
over-persuaded by impecunious parties who had lost 
position and influence by the downfall of the Empire, 
and who saw in this canal scheme the means of replen- 
ishing their private fortunes. If so, it may have been 
part of the scheme to ultimately unload the enterprise 
upon the new government, which they sought to make 
odious. Be that as it may, there can be little doubt 
that he did at one time entertain a hope that the 
French government might become so compromised as 
to be forced to take the job off his hands. Hence the 



24 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

systematic effort to get Article 35 of the treaty of 1846 
out of the way. 

But a word here in this connection about " entangling 
alliances." At the time of Washington's Farewell Ad- 
dress all Europe was in turmoil. England and France 
were still quarrelling, and Jefferson (who had become 
strangely infatuated with French ideas) had been at no 
pains to conceal his desire for an alliance between 
France and the United States as against England. 
Washington's advice was to have nothing to do with 
this or any other European quarrel, but to " avoid all 
entangling alliances." His warning could have had no 
possible reference to any free state in South or Central 
America, for no such state then existed or seemed 
likely to come into existence. The eastern banks of 
the Mississippi were the utmost limits of our pro- 
spective possessions in the west; Florida, Louisiana, 
Texas, and California were all under foreign flags. In 
less than fifty years conditions had radically changed ; 
for in 1846, when this treaty with Colombia was signed, 
the entire Atlantic and Gulf coasts from the Bay of 
Fundy to the mouth of the Rio Grande, were within our 
national domain and jurisdiction. Our western boun- 
dary was the Pacific Ocean, and the isthmus of Panama 
had become practically our southern border, in that it 
was in the direct line of our fifteen thousand miles of 
sea-coast. Hence, the treaty, in the form agreed upon, 
had become a commercial and political necessity. 

It was, however, entered into with extreme reluctance, 
and was with great difficulty ratified by the Senate. 
Like our federal Constitution itself, it was " wrung from 
the necessities of an unwilling people." Even after the 
exchange of ratifications, the treaty excited constant 
apprehension ; and four years afterwards we committed 
the astonishing blunder of soliciting a "joint guarantee " 



Panama Canal Projects 25 

of the neutrality of the isthmus by England and France ! 
Fortunately this ill-advised request was not granted. 
Indeed, it was hardly entertained. Earl Russell, speak- 
ing for the British government, said a joint guarantee 
was " alike unnecessary and undesirable ; " that " the 
sole guarantee by the United States was ample for any 
emergencies likely to arise ; " and that " the present 
arrangement was entirely satisfactory to Great Britain." 
A similar response was received from the French gov- 
ernment, with the additional assurance that " the sole 
guarantee by the United States was satisfactory to the 
commercial world." 

This seemed to end the matter. The Monroe Doc- 
trine had long before received the tacit sanction of the 
two leading powers of Europe, and the apprehensions 
of a weak and timid Executive were allayed. At any 
rate, nothing more was ever heard of " a joint Euro- 
pean guarantee " of the neutrality of the isthmus till the 
De Lesseps canal compan}/ came into existence. 

By the so-called Salgar-Wyse Contract of 1878, that 
company had come into possession of millions of acres 
of wild lands on the isthmus ; and it had likewise 
become the owner of the majority of shares in the 
Panama Railway Company. Then it was that Count de 
Lesseps made the astonishing discovery that the " Mon- 
roe Doctrine " had an European origin ; that the people 
of the United States had never quite understood it; 
and that it really meant nothing ! But he failed to in- 
duce Colombia to abrogate Article 35 of the treaty of 
1846; failed to induce the French people whom he 
had inveigled into his enterprise, to force the new Re- 
public to take a bad bargain off his hands ; and a few 
years later he and his associates and accomplices were 
sentenced as criminals by the judicial authorities of his 
own country. 



CHAPTER III 

THE OLD SPANISH MAIN 

BY the old " Spanish main " is generally under- 
stood the entire Caribbean coast from the Cape 
of Yucatan to the delta of the Orinoco. But at 
present we are concerned only with that portion of it 
between the isthmus of Panama and Cape Guajira, 
which constitutes the northern shore of the Republic 
of Colombia. As I have already intimated, if we would 
see the most beautiful and attractive part of Colombia, 
we must make a long and tedious journey of several 
weeks to the remote interior; for practically the 
Isthmus and the capital of Colombia are farther apart 
than Washington and Alaska, and there are but two 
available routes between them. 

One of these is down the South Pacific coast by 
ocean steamer to the little seaport town of Buenaven- 
tura; thence by narrow-gauge railway through the 
coves of the western cordillera, 70 miles or more, to the 
old city of Cali, in the beautiful valley of the Cauca; 
thence by mule-back, fully two weeks' journey over the 
mountains of the central cordillera to the northern 
edge of the tableland of Bogota ; and thence by coach 
32 miles or more to the national capital. The entire 
journey can hardly be made in less than four weeks, 
and it may require five or six ; it all depends upon 
the condition of the roads. 



The Old Spanish Main 27 

The other and more frequented route is by ocean 
steamer from Colon, along the old Spanish main to 
the port of Savanilla (or Salgar, as it is now called), 
about a dozen miles west of the Magdalena delta ; 
thence by railway, less than 20 miles, to Barranquilla ; 
thence by river steamer up the Magdalena, fully 500 
miles, to Honda ; thence by mule-back three short days' 
journey over the mountains of the eastern cordillera to 
the southeastern edge of the great tableland of Bogota ; 
and thence some 30 miles in coach or omnibus across 
the plain to the national capital. The journey usually 
takes about 20 days, but it may be 40 ; it all depends 
upon the condition of the river, which at certain seasons 
can hardly be said to be navigable for more than 200 
miles. 

If desirable, we may disembark at Carthagena, 36 
hours' sail from Colon, and proceed thence by canal 
steamer through the Dique 1 to Calamar, on the Mag- 
dalena some 75 miles above the delta, and there take a 
regular river packet for Honda. But this is seldom 
advisable. The trip through the Dique is neither com- 
fortable nor interesting ; and there will be ample time 
and opportunity to see about all we care to see of Car- 
thagena without making the change of route. Besides, 
by taking the canal route, we would miss seeing Sava- 
nilla and Barranquilla; and the latter is well worth 
seeing. 

Carthagena, or Cartajena 2 as it is written in the 
language of the country, is one of the oldest, and in 
some respects the most interesting, seaports on the 
Caribbean. The city was founded early in the seven- 

1 The Dique, as it is called in the language of the country, is a wide 
canal connecting the river Magdalena with the bay of Carthagena. It 
was opened in the time of Philip II. of Spain; and, after having been 
closed for three-quarters of a century, was reopened in 1881. 

'-' Pronounced Car-tah-hay-na. 



28 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

teenth century and soon became a great commercial 
and naval centre. Its decadence began early in the 
present century, soon after the beginning of the long 
war for independence, and continued steadily up to 
some 25 or 30 years ago, when the city began to 
revive. But its recuperation has been slow, though 
steady. It has been called " the Charleston of South 
America ; " possibly because it is considered " a fin- 
ished town," rich in historical reminiscences and in 
the evidences of departed greatness. Once famous as 
the site of wealth, culture, and refinement, it still lives 
in the past, the typical representative of a former era 
and civilization. 

As first seen, at some distance, from the upper deck 
of an ocean steamer, the grand old city presents a most 
romantic and imposing appearance. The great moss- 
grown buildings, many of them three centuries old, 
stand out in bold relief against a background of green 
hills and craggy cliffs, and the tall towers and steeples 
of the old cathedrals, rising from a base of red tiles, 
pierce a clear tropical sky. On either side are gray 
old forts, long since disused but still in an excellent 
state of preservation; while at the threshold of the 
city, on the western side, lies the spacious harbor, the 
deep blue waters of which are seldom disturbed even 
by a ripple. 

As we approach nearer, we discover that the old city 
is completely encircled by a massive stone wall, antique 
in form and venerable in appearance, fully 30 feet in 
height and many yards in thickness. It was built in 
the reign of Philip II., and is said to have cost over 
a million of dollars. In all probability it has never 
been repaired since, yet, saving a few rents of recent 
origin, it appears to be quite as good as new. The 
subterranean passages leading out from the inclosure 



The Old Spanish Main 29 

to the fortified hills and bluffs beyond, are still open, 
though of course long disused, some of them wide 
enough to accommodate three pedestrians walking 
abreast. 

The entrances to the great bay, as also its shores on 
both sides, are guarded by massive stone forts, long 
since practically disused, but still well preserved. Be- 
neath one of these frowning structures, and some eight 
or ten feet below the surface of the water, is the old 
Bastile of the Inquisition, rendered classic by Charles 
Kingsley in his " Westward Ho ; " a grim relic of the 
past, no longer utilized in the conversion of heretics, 
but sometimes occupied as a resting-place by unsuc- 
cessful " revolutionists " under the regime of modern 
king Demos. Ah ! the tyranny of Absolutism and the 
cruelty of Intolerance ! But perhaps, after all, there 
are fewer forms of tyranny more cruel and relentless than 
that of an irresponsible mob miscalled a Democracy ! 

At the close of the long struggle for Independence, 
in 1822, Carthagena seemed hopelessly dead; and it 
so remained, as I have said, for half a century. Yet 
Colombians have always been proud of its history. 
For here, it is claimed, originated the first organized 
resistance to Spanish misrule ; the first serious step 
towards final separation from the mother country. 
Some Colombian annalist has therefore called it " the 
cradle of Liberty on the South American continent," 
and perhaps not unjustly. Yet a prior claim is some- 
times made by Venezuelans for their own beautiful Ca- 
racas, where the great Libertador^ was born and grew 
to manhood, and where there was something like organ- 
ized resistance to Spanish authority several weeks earlier 
than that at Carthagena. 

1 El Libertador is the title usually applied to Simon Bolivar through- 
out South America. 



30 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

In Carthagena, as in Charleston during our own 
Revolution, there were many wealthy Tories who either 
openly or secretly espoused the royalist cause ; and 
who never became quite reconciled to the new order 
of things which made their negro slaves their equals 
before the law, and subsequently their equals at the 
ballot-box. So, many of them, now broken in fortune 
and hopeless for the future, sought homes in the mother 
country, or in other Spanish provinces in the West 
Indies. A few, in order to get rid of the free negro, 
sought homes in the remote interior — at Pamplona, 
Tunja, Medelin, and Bogota. Few or none of them 
ever returned to their haunts of happier and more 
prosperous days. In short, Carthagena was practically 
deserted ; the Dique soon became filled up with sedi- 
ment and overgrown with brush and bramble ; and when 
trade revived, Barranquilla, a new town just above the 
delta of the Magdalena, became the principal seaport. 
In the course of time the little railroad was built which 
connects Barranquilla with the harbor of Savanilla, some 
1 2 miles below the delta ; and thus, to use a railway 
provincialism, old Carthagena was completely " side- 
tracked." 

This was the condition of affairs as late as 1873, when 
the old city began to show some signs of awaking from 
her long slumber, and to cast about for the means of 
regaining at least a portion of her lost trade. The first 
thing to be done was to re-establish communication 
with the interior ; and this was practicable only by the 
reopening of the old Dique. It was accordingly re- 
opened in 1 88 1, and an English company put some 
light-draught steamers in it as feeders to their ocean 
vessels. Since then, the prospects of Carthagena have 
been steadily brightening. Yet in the absence of some 
railway connection with the interior, or with the Magda- 



The Old Spanish Main 31 

lena at some point more remote from Barranquilla, as 
for instance at the mouth of the river Cauca, the old 
city will continue to labor under great disadvantages, 
and can hardly hope to compete successfully with her 
more enterprising and aggressive rival. 

The harbor of Savanilla is a mere roadstead, some 
dozen miles below (i. e. west) of the Magdalena delta; 
and, though anything but picturesque and attractive in 
appearance, it is considered reasonably safe for sea- 
going vessels of medium draught. Up to within the 
last few years, heavy ocean steamers had to anchor 10 
or 12 miles out from the railway terminus, and passen- 
gers and cargo were conveyed ashore in clumsy barges. 
If the vessel came to anchor by eight o'clock in the 
morning, it was generally twelve or one before pas- 
sengers could reach the railway station; and some- 
times very late in the afternoon before they would 
arrive at Barranquilla. This is all changed now. The 
railway has been extended some 10 miles farther down 
the coast, and an iron pier 4,000 feet long, con- 
nects the station with deep water; so that passengers 
now embark and disembark with greater facility and 
comfort. 

The railway passes through a very barren and unin- 
teresting part of the country — a mere wilderness of 
swamp and jungle. Not many centuries ago, the whole 
region was covered by the waters of the Caribbean. In 
fact, the entire plain or " little Savannah," : including 
the present site of Barranquilla itself, appears to have 
been the joint product of sea and river ; and in many 
places is yet too new and crude to produce any vegeta- 
tion other than dwarf cacti and brambles. Toward the 
eastern and southern sides, it is a mere bed of white 
sand, and, for the most part, barren of all vegetation. 
1 Savanilla is the Spanish equivalent of " Little Savannah," 



32 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

I have never been quite able to get rid of my first 
somewhat unfavorable impressions of this locality, al- 
though I have visited it scores of times since its mar- 
vellous transformation into something like a decent 
place of residence. The Colombian minister at Wash- 
ington (Don Carlos Martin) had been considerate 
enough to warn me what to expect, and not to hastily 
judge his country by what was to be seen of it at 
Savanilla and Barranquilla. I was inclined at first to 
think he was merely indulging in that polite deprecia- 
tion of his own country so common among educated 
Colombians. But I found he had spoken only the 
sober truth ; for I had never even imagined any place 
quite like it. But Mr. Pellett, the bright and genial 
American consul who met me at the Barranquilla 
station — then a mere thatched shed in a sand-bed — 
assured me that strangers " soon got used to it," and 
then " did n't mind it ! " 

I have somewhere intimated that Barranquilla is a 
new place ; and so it is as a commercial mart, and 
indeed in everything that pertains to modern progress. 
But a little Indian village of mud huts with thatch-roofs 
stood near there more than two and a half centuries 
ago ; and the same style of primitive architecture still 
prevails on the outskirts of the present city. It is only 
within the past 27 years that the city has become a 
place fit to live in. It is situated at the eastern terminus 
of the Bolivar railway, some 14 miles from Savanilla 
and about the same distance above the main mouths of 
the Magdalena river. The city is some distance west 
of the main channel of the river, but in easy communica- 
tion with it by means of a somewhat narrow but deep 
cano, navigable at all seasons by steamers of medium 
tonnage. The locality is considered one of the healthi- 
est on the Caribbean coast, although the temperature is 



The Old Spanish Main 33 

seldom below 85 degrees Fahrenheit during any hour in 
the year, and is often up into the nineties. 

Twenty-five years ago, the population hardly ex- 
ceeded 8,000 souls ; and perhaps less than a quarter 
of these could lay any just claim to pure Cauca- 
sian origin. The masses for the most part were made 
up of the mixed descendants of Indians, negroes and 
whites. You could see every shade of color, from the 
jetty, woolly-headed African to the sallow mestizo and 
pink-eyed Albino. Sometimes you would be able to 
discover some remote traces of the Moor and the Bur- 
gundian ; occasionally you would see the classic features 
of the Castilian beneath a woolly crown ; sometimes the 
flat nose and facial angles of the African would peer 
out beneath the straight auburn hair of the Spaniard; 
and not unfrequently there would be such an intricate 
blending of the three races in a single individual as 
to baffle all attempts at ethnologic classification. 

The language of the common people, though nomin- 
ally Spanish, was a curious jargon, often quite unintelli- 
gible even to their own countrymen from the national 
capital. Children of all ages and both sexes gambolled 
about the central plaza or in the public streets in a 
state of unconscious nudity, and even middle-aged men 
of the lower class rarely wore anything more than a 
straw hat, alpargates} and a rauana? 

The streets, though never muddy and seldom dusty, 
were well nigh impassable. Pedestrians would sink 
ankle deep into the white, parching sand at every step ; 
and the narrow sidewalks, though more comfortable, 
would not accommodate two people walking abreast. 
The houses, except in the immediate business section, 
were generally thatch-roofed huts; and even the most pre- 

1 A species of straw sandal. 

2 A cotton blanket with a hole cut in the centre. 



34 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tentious edifices were seldom more than one story high. 
The walls were of brick or adobe} and the floors and 
roofs of red tile. The walls of the humbler residences 
were made of bamboo splits, wattled between clumsy 
posts set in the ground. The floors were the bare earth, 
and the roofs were of leaves or straw. Sometimes the 
walls were plastered inside and out, and neatly white- 
washed : more frequently they were neither plastered 
nor whitewashed. The cooking was usually done in an 
adjoining shed or in the back yard, or sometimes on the 
sidewalk in front; and in either case never in anything 
but crude earthen vessels heated by little improvised 
charcoal fires. 

The water used for domestic purposes had to be 
brought from the muddy cano, and was usually portaged 
on the backs of donkeys and peones. Sometimes it 
was filtered through a porous sandstone into an earthen 
vessel, and sometimes used in its crude state. Not a 
pound of ice could be found in the city; indeed no- 
body seemed to want it. A luxury unknown is a luxury 
never missed. When the well-to-do classes got tired of 
drinking tepid water, they would take beer or brandy by 
way of change ; and their less opulent neighbors would 
resort to the native chichi and aguardiente? Everybody 
smoked, men and women, boys and girls ; all could 
afford it where native cigars sold for a cent apiece, and 
a few cents would buy enough of cheap paper and to- 
bacco to keep a whole family in cigarettes for a week. 
The public market was an open plaza, the bare sight of 
which would spoil the most ravenous appetite for a 
whole day. There were two little posadas or hotels, at 

1 Adobe or adoube, seems to be a word of Egyptian origin. It describes 
a composition of gravel, sand and cement, which makes a very solid and 
substantial wall, and very durable in tropical climates. 

2 Chickivs a decoction of maize and molasses ; Aguardiente is a cheap 
and villainous species of native brandy. 



The Old Spanish Main 35 

neither of which it was possible to secure a clean room, 
a decent bed, or a palatable meal of victuals. 

Such was the Barranquilla of 1873, but not the Bar- 
ranquilla of to-day; for during the past 2j years the 
place has undergone complete transformation. 

The population has more than trebled — it being now 
about 35,000 — and quite contrary to the general ex- 
perience, the ratio of increase has been greatest among 
the whites. This is generally accounted for by the in- 
flux of white settlers; and yet even the naturai increase 
has been greatest among the whites. New and costly 
buildings have taken the place of former shanties. 
Where once stood only booths and sheds, are now re- 
spectable-looking business houses ; and there is more 
than one hotel where a decent room and a clean bed 
may be had. An excellent and well appointed market 
house has taken the place of the dirty old plaza. An 
admirable system of modern waterworks has been substi- 
tuted for portages by donkey and peon. There are 
several excellent public schools in the place, besides 
private schools of a high grade. The streets are 
cleaner, people dress better, the general tone of society 
is better, the standard of public morality higher. In 
short, there are a great many worse places for resi- 
dence, not only in tropical America but in the United 
States. 

Twenty-seven years ago the average annual exports 
hardly exceeded $3,000,000 in value; they now exceed 
$20,000,000. About two-thirds of these exports are 
to England, Germany and France, and in the order of 
precedence named. A small portion goes to Holland 
and Italy. Hitherto, we of the United States have 
been content with a few raw hides and a few bags of 
second and third class coffee ; in exchange for which 
we have sent a few gallons of petroleum, a few sacks of 



36 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

flour, a little lard and a few cases of shoes. And yet 
whilst the ports of Barranquilla and Carthagena are 
fully three weeks' sail from most of the European mar- 
kets, they are less than five days' sail from some of our 
Atlantic and Gulf coast cities. But there is no direct 
line of steamers between these Colombian ports and 
our own; the only available communication being by 
" tramp " steamers or by small chartered schooners. 
A cargo is usually reshipped two or three times before 
reaching its destination, and at a total cost of nearly 
double the freight rates to the European markets. 
And the strangest feature of all is, the apparent in- 
difference of our national Congress to the obviously 
necessary means for increasing this trade ; for hitherto 
every time a proposition has been made to put our 
ocean carrying trade in a condition to successfully com- 
pete with that of England and other European coun- 
tries, it has been either quietly pigeon-holed in the 
Committee room or else thoughtlessly voted down in 
the Committee of the Whole. 

The other Caribbean ports on the coast of Colombia 
are Rio Hache, Santa Marta, and San Jose de Cucuta. 
The two first named are now, and have been for some 
time, practically " dead towns," in so far at least as 
exterior commerce is concerned. In the early colonial 
days, Santa Marta was a place of considerable import- 
ance ; and some years ago an effort was made to re- 
vive it by connecting it by railroad with the Magdalena 
river, in the hope of diverting a portion of the interior 
trade from Barranquilla and Carthagena. But the en- 
terprise failed for want of capital, and was never revived. 
Rio Hache has a fine harbor, but little or no exterior 
trade. Cucuta has a fertile and productive region at 
the back of it, accessible for some distance by water 
navigation. But in 1876, the city was nearly destroyed 



The Old Spanish Main 37 

by an earthquake, from the effects of which it has 
never entirely recovered. It is, however, a place of 
considerable business importance, and seems likely to 
become, some day in the future, one of the principal 
commercial marts of the Republic. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE VALLEY OF THE MAGDALENA 

THE river Magdalena and its numerous tribu- 
taries drain an immense area of some 15,000 
square miles. The river valley proper ex- 
tends from the coast, where it is over 100 miles wide, 
due southward to an apex in the heart of the central 
range of the Andes. The drainage basin branches off 
at various points, after the first 150 miles from the coast, 
into a number of smaller valleys and coves, the largest 
of which is the Cauca, between the western and central 
cordilleras. 

The coast region of the valley is subject to periodi- 
cal overflows, and no serious attempt has ever been 
made to reclaim it for agricultural purposes. This, 
however, might be easily accomplished, and doubtless 
will be some day when agricultural lands become more 
valuable, by a system of dykes similar to those on the 
lower Mississippi. It is certainly a more promising 
region for such an enterprise than was the lower Schelde, 
in the Netherlands, before the Dutch successfully re- 
claimed it from the floods many centuries ago ; or 
than were the Demerara and Essequibo deltas in Guay- 
ana, which the same pertinacious people brought under 
successful cultivation in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries. As it is, the lower portion of the Magdalena 
valley is alternated by half-submerged swamp and low 
grassy plain, and is seldom utilized for anything more 



The Valley of the Magdalena 39 

than grazing purposes. Higher up, where the river 
banks are firmer and better defined, the soil is still of 
aluminum formation of immense depth and inexhausti- 
ble fertility ; but for the most part it is yet very much 
as nature made it. A little farther up, it does not so 
much present the appearance of a " new country," as 
it does of a country that has been allowed to relapse 
into the bush and forest. And this merely accords 
with the facts of its history. For quite early in Spanish 
colonial times, when negro slavery was in vogue, this 
was a cultivated and productive region. It is now in- 
habited, where it is inhabited at all, by the negro and 
his mixed descendants, who, for the most part, live an 
aimless, idle, and shiftless life. 

Neither this middle region nor that of the coast is 
necessarily unhealthful, though both have a bad repu- 
tation abroad. There is, of course, an abundance of 
malaria at certain seasons ; but this would soon disap- 
pear under proper drainage and cultivation. What the 
country needs, therefore, is an industrious and enter- 
prising population. Even as it is, its climate is not 
much worse than that in some portions of Mississippi 
and Louisiana; and with proper attention to the laws 
of health, the foreigner need not be alarmed about fever, 
which is generally of a mild type and yields readily 
to medical treatment. But here, as elsewhere in the 
tropics, one must live with constant care. There must be 
an adaptation to environment. There must be temper- 
ance in all things, regularity of habit, careful avoidance 
of exposure to sun and rain, and to night dews and 
draughts. If these conditions are strictly observed, the 
foreign tourist or sojourner need have no apprehensions 
about his health. 

Some two hundred miles up from the coast, the valley 
branches off into that of the Cauca, — one of the most 



40 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

picturesque and beautiful regions on the continent. 
The upper part of this valley, near the town of Cali, 
has an elevation of some three thousand feet above sea- 
level, and the climate is therefore delightful. The tem- 
perature is rarely above 75 or below 65 the year round. 
The soil is singularly productive and well adapted to 
both sugar and cotton, though very little cotton is now 
raised there ; and that little is generally of a very inferior 
quality, owing to want of proper cultivation. The foot- 
hills on either side are well adapted to wheat and 
maize, and indeed to most of the cereals of the north 
temperate zone. The river Cauca is a beautiful stream, 
navigable at all seasons by small steamers. In the old 
colonial days, this little valley was an Arcadia of wealth 
and luxury ; possibly the most desirable spot for country 
residence in New Granada. It is now, for the most part, 
practically abandoned to the descendants of former 
negro slaves, and is, therefore, anything but a desirable 
place of residence for white families. 

But to return to the Magdalena. As we ascend the 
river beyond the mouth of the Cauca, we observe that 
the banks are firmer and better defined ; there are fewer 
swamps and bayous, and a greater number and a better 
class of houses. This was once a region of vast estates, 
now fallen into partial or complete decadence. Indeed, 
one somehow gets the impression that the country is 
gradually but surely relapsing into its primitive state. 
Occasionally you see the rudiments of an old plantation, 
the relic of a former civilization ; and sometimes the 
pleasing evidences of a newer and better condition of 
society. But for the most part the houses are mere 
sheds with straw roofs, or rude mud huts with dirt 
floors, inhabited by negroes and their mixed descend- 
ants. Occasionally one sees what appears to be a new 
town or settlement, with neat tiled roof houses. These 



The Valley of the Magdalena 4 1 

are of comparative recent origin, and were brought into 
existence by the river trade which has been stimulated 
by steamboat navigation. About such places there is 
usually a large contingent of white men, mostly foreign- 
ers ; but there are few white families. The negroes, 
mulattoes, and mestizos constitute the basis of the resi- 
dent population. The few educated men among them 
are usually small politicians, who seem to have no 
thought of making a living other than by holding 
office under the government. The lower classes are idle, 
shiftless, and improvident. They have few wants above 
such as are incident to mere animal existence, and these 
are satisfied by the indigenous plantain and native fruits 
and fish. 

Such was this region as I first knew it a quarter of a 
century ago. Since then, there has been considerable 
progress, but it has been almost imperceptibly slow. 
In some places there have been attempts — generally 
by impecunious foreign promoters — to build railroads 
connecting this part of the river with the mining and 
agricultural districts in the coves and on the plateaux 
of the remote interior ; but generally all such enter- 
prises have been failures, either for want of capital, or 
owing to some local " revolution," and the traditional 
pack mule is still about the only reliable means of over- 
land transportation. 

In some places small traders have established a profit- 
able, though limited business. They buy up and ship 
to the coast for export such native products as choco- 
late, coffee, hides, ivory nuts, straw hats, vegetable dyes, 
and minerals ; and import and sell in return, small stocks 
of foreign merchandise, such as cotton cloths, flour, pe- 
troleum, cutlery, shoes, ready-made clothing, stationery, 
brandy, and brass jewelry. This class of trade has 
greatly increased within the last few years; but with 



42 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

one or two exceptions, it has never expanded much 
beyond small barter. 

In making the ascent of the river from Barranquilla 
to Honda, one passes through three distinct belts of 
country; separate and well defined not only with re- 
spect to topography, soil, and climate, but no less so 
with respect to the general appearance and character 
of the population. First is the great dreary-looking, 
half-submerged region bordering on the coast, so 
sparsely populated even by half-naked negroes that it 
seems a wilderness. Next, in the region of greater ele- 
vation, we see groves of the golden mango, where the 
orange and citron are indigenous, where the plantain 
and the calabash are ever present, where the banyan 
tree flourishes, and where the nut-palm and the wild 
oleander grow to perfection. 

Thence we pass up into the volcanic region, where 
grandeur of mountain scenery, fertility of soil, and salu- 
brity of climate combine to make a most interesting 
and attractive country. Here one occasionally sees 
traces of the negro, but he is almost an exotic. The 
basis of the rural population is the native Indian, whose 
mother tongue he has now quite forgotten, and whose 
ancient civilization and religion has been lost in that 
of the Castilian. 

The negro of the lower valley is not essentially dif- 
ferent from the types of his race elsewhere, except 
perhaps that he is a trifle more idle and shiftless, 
and possibly more aggressive and quarrelsome. He is 
often coarse and offensive in language and manner, 
generally grossly immoral, and always very supersti- 
tious. And although constantly acting as if conscious 
of his inferiority, he is every ready on the slightest 
occasion to assert his fancied " equality," and seems 
to have an impression that some one is always trying to 
impose upon him. 



The Valley of the Magdalena 43 

The native Indian of this region is a copper-colored, 
short, stocky, broad-chested fellow, with beardless face, 
high cheek-bones, straight black hair, soft dark eyes, 
great white teeth, and small well-shaped hands and 
feet. He is naturally hospitable and civil, always dig- 
nified and courteous in manner, generally evasive and 
untruthful, but seldom disrespectful, either in language 
or bearing. He rarely enters into an angry altercation, 
and seldom drinks anything stronger than his native 
decoction of maize and molasses. He believes in 
dreams and angelic visitations, and is governed by a 
deep native religious sentiment, now directed by the 
Roman Church. In this he differs greatly from the 
Magdalena negro, who, while believing in witchcraft, 
charms, and incantations, generally pays very little 
attention to the teachings and requirements of the 
Church, and rarely consults a priest except when he 
falls suddenly ill and thinks he is about to die. 

The river itself is not the least of the many physical 
curiosities of this curiously interesting region. With 
its sources in the snow-capped ridges of the Andes, 
directly under the equator, at an altitude of more than 
two miles above the sea-level, it rushes down a succes- 
sion of steppes and perpendicular cliffs till it reaches 
the head of the great valley, whence it flows in rapid 
whirlpools in general direction northward to the Carib- 
bean, — thus constituting the geographical complement 
of the Mississippi, which it somewhat resembles, and 
carrying down its rapid current a volume of sand and 
water nearly as great. It is always very muddy, 
whether at high tide or low, whether in the midst of 
the wet or dry season. It is no unusual thing, espe- 
cially in the upper reaches of the river, during high 
tide, for the waters to be so heavily charged with 
sand and sediment as to cause a metallic, tinkling 



44 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sound as the current breaks against the prow of the 
steamer. 

The navigable channel is constantly changing ; now 
undermining the banks beneath the little Indian vil- 
lages, now uprooting whole forests, and now cutting 
away little islands and forming new ones. Sometimes 
the current ploughs its way through the soft loam 
across a great bend leaving towns and villages many 
miles inland ; as, for instance, in the old Spanish city 
of Mompox, which less than half a century ago was on 
the river bank, but is now fully twenty miles distant. 
In some places the river is spread out over an area of 
from six to eight miles in width, with numerous mud 
islands and sand bars between its opposite margins. 
In others, it is forced between two projecting mountain 
spurs where the current is so heavy and rapid that its 
ascent by steamers is both difficult and dangerous. In 
others, it is but a succession of cataracts and whirlpools, 
where the smoke-stacks and hulks of sunken steamers 
attest the constant perils of steamboat navigation. 

It is not much wonder, then, that freight tariffs are 
fabulously high, or that underwriters' rates should seem 
excessive. Pilots complain that the caprices of the 
river are so uncertain that they " never know exactly 
where to find the water." If, for instance, on the up- 
ward voyage the navigable channel be found near the 
right bank, it may be found near the left bank, on the 
return voyage. Or, if there be high tide in the morn- 
ing, it may have dropped down from ten to fifteen feet 
before midnight. River men say it may be high tide 
at sunrise and low tide by noon ; and I have myself 
witnessed a rise or fall of eight feet in less than two 
hours. 

Before the era of steamboating in this part of the 
country, the river navigation, here as in the Orinoco, 



The Valley of the Magdalena 45 

was by means of large canoes or bungoes. Many of 
these rude contrivances are still to be seen in the 
Magdalena, especially in the upper reaches of the 
river. They are usually covered with oval roofs of 
bamboo and thatch for the protection of cargo and 
passengers against sun and rain, and forced up stream 
by poles and paddles, or else hauled up through the 
rapids, Chinese fashion, by ropes and windlasses. It 
was in this way that all the traffic of the river was 
conducted for more than three whole centuries ; and 
the people were probably as happy and contented 
then as their descendants are now. But one naturally 
wonders how they had the patience to make these 
long trips in such clumsy crafts. Even as late as 
1825, one of our diplomatic representatives at the 
Colombian capital (General William Henry Harrison) 
congratulated himself upon having made the trip safely 
from the coast to Honda, in one of these bungoes, in 
forty-two days ! Some years later it took a member 
of the Colombian Congress sixty-odd days to reach the 
national capital from his residence near Carthagena. 

The river abounds with every species and variety of 
fish and reptile usually found in tropical waters. The 
fish of commerce is a large species of coarse salmon, 
here known as the bacallo. It is caught and dried for 
market very much in the same manner as is the salmon 
in Japan, and is about as coarse grained and tasteless. 
The caiman or common alligator is seen constantly after 
the first few days' ascent ; and in many places are large 
specimens of the gavial and the genuine crocodile. 
Some of these huge monsters are fully thirty feet long, 
and will not hesitate to attack a man if he puts himself 
in their way. 1 

1 Even the loathsome gavial has its close and confidential friendships. 
It usually lies with its mouth open in order to catch its food. A species 



46 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

The forests and jungle on the margins of the river are 
resonant with the songs of tropical birds of the most 
gorgeous plumage, and the boughs of the tall mangrove 
trees seem alive with troops of red monkeys. Some- 
times between sundown and dark, when the vessel is 
tied up to the bank for the night, you will see the sloth 
(Brady pus-Tridactylus) and the armadillo (Dasypus- 
Novemcinctus) as they venture out in search of food. 
The wild boar is more common, and I am told there are 
plenty of panthers and lions, but I have never seen 
either in this locality. 

The popular opinion is that these forests and jungles, 
and indeed those of tropical America generally, are full 
of poisonous snakes and reptiles ; but although I have 
passed up and down this river more times than I can 
remember, and have spent whole weeks at a time in the 
wilds of the Andes, I never saw but one or two insignifi- 
cant-looking snakes, and these were not of a venomous 
species. I never once encountered a rattlesnake, nor 
anything more formidable than the negne 1 and the 
scorpion. 

The geographies and atlases of the country tell us 
that Honda is the head of steam navigation on the 
Magdalena. This is not quite correct. The steamers 
never at any time attempted to go farther up than 
Carocali, a boat-landing at the foot of the falls, some 
two and a half miles below Honda ; and for some years 

of small gnat flies into the reptile's mouth in such numbers as to cover 
the entire surface of the palate, and often excites it to madness by their 
stings. A species of bird, peculiar to the tropics, comes to the monster's 
rescue by flying into its mouth and devouring the gnats. And although 
the rapacious reptile lives on flesh, and might thus have a delicate 
morsel, it shows its recognition of the service by never once harming the 
bird. 

1 A microscopic insect which bores into the flesh, often producing 
serious lameness. 



The Valley of the Magdalena 47 

past they have never gone beyond Las Yeguas, a com- 
paratively inew station, fifteen miles lower down, now 
connected with Honda by a narrow gauge railway. 

Above the rapids the river is again navigable by light 
draught steamers as far up as Ambalema, the great 
tobacco-growing region. The railroad from Las Yeguas 
to Honda has been recently extended thence up the 
left margin of the river to Jirado, 1 and thence across 
the country to Tocaime, in the lower valley of the River 
Bogota, or Funza as it is sometimes called. More 
recently this road has been extended up the Funza 
valley as far as Anapoime, and the project is to extend 
it by way of the town of La Mesa, zigzag up the moun- 
tain side, to the western edge of the great alta-plain of 
Bogota. The road from the edge of the plain across the 
great savannah, some thirty miles to the national capital, 
on the opposite side, is already completed, thus 
shortening the mule ride to about eight hours, provided 
this new route should be chosen in preference to the 
old one. 

Next to Bogota, Honda is perhaps the oldest and best 
known place in the interior of Colombia ; but it is not 
much of a town after all. Its central location, at the 
convergence of several fertile little valleys, gives it a 
commercial and military importance ; but the town itself 
is anything but attractive as a place of residence. The 
temperature is rarely below 85 any day in the year; 
and although there is no apparent cause for it, malarial 
fevers are not unusual. The climate is peculiarly ener- 
vating, and resident foreigners (to adopt their provincial 
mode of expression), soon become "limp and fagged 
out." The houses are generally larger and better con- 
structed than hitherto seen on the river. The streets 
are very narrow and crooked, generally well paved with 
1 Pronounced He-rah-doe. 



48 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

rough cobble-stone, but seldom very clean. Little or 
no attention is paid to sanitation. The total population 
of the town is variously estimated from ten to fifteen 
thousand, perhaps fully two thirds of which are the usual 
mixtures of Indian and Spanish Creole. Occasion- 
ally one sees the mixed descendants of the African 
negro, but not very often. The foreign residents are 
English, German, and American, with a few French and 
Italians. The principal commission house or " Factory," 
established by an American early in the fifties, is still 
conducted by American merchants. 

If any one who reads these pages should think of 
undertaking this river journey, let him be advised to 
make up his mind to " rough it." Leave all notions of 
luxury behind. Provide your own mosquito bars before 
leaving Barranquilla ; and see to it that they are close 
and strong, for after passing the habitat of the big 
" gullinippers," you will enter the domain of the pesti- 
ferous little sand fly, which is even more annoying. And 
when you reach Honda, you will have the fleas, for which 
I know of no remedy. Do not be offended at the odor of 
garlic on your steamer or at your hotel ; it is quite harm- 
less, and you will soon get used to it. Never ask for or 
even think of ice-water. Cultivate a liking for tile floors 
(never overly clean), and for cross-legged cots which 
were once white. Let brandy severely alone, and put a 
little quinine into your glass of tepid river water before 
drinking it. Never bathe before ten in the morning nor 
after four in the afternoon, and avoid night draughts 
and dews as you would a pestilence. 



CHAPTER V 

A MULE RIDE IN THE ANDES 

THERE are now three available routes from 
Honda, the head of steam navigation on the 
Magdalena, to the great savannah of Bogota 
on which is situated the capital of Colombia; where- 
as, only a few years ago, there was but the one, — 
the old mountain trail of the sixteenth century, often 
too narrow for two mules to walk abreast, and generally 
so crooked and precipitous as to be a terror to inex- 
perienced and nervous people. We may, if we choose, 
go around by way of Jirado, Tocaime, and La Mesa, — 
making part of the journey by modern railway, part of 
it by coach, and part on mule back, — and reach the 
southwestern edge of the plain a few miles from the 
head of the great Tequendama Falls. Or, if preferable, 
we may proceed from Jirado by the still more modern 
and direct route, — most of the way in coach or ox 
cart if the road happens to be in good order, which 
however is seldom the case, — and reach the western 
edge of the plain near the town of Agualarge on the 
crest of the great sierra. But the surest, as well as 
the most frequented route is the old one directly across 
the mountains from Honda to Agualarge ; and this 
will have to be made all the way on mule back, just as 
it was three centuries ago. 

Deciding to take this last named route, the first thing 
to do is to get ready for the journey ; and this will re- 
quire time, patience, and forethought. Good mules, 



50 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

well trained to the road, can be had through local con- 
tractors who make it a regular business. The mules 
will cost from eight to ten dollars per head for the trip ; 
and this will include the services of an experienced 
guide or muleteer, but not the feed of the mules on 
the way, which will be an additional charge of about 
forty cents per head daily. We shall have to buy or 
hire also our own saddles, bridles, blankets, and other 
articles necessary to the outfit, for the contractor fur- 
nishes nothing but the mules and pack saddles. 

After perfecting all arrangements the day before, we 
rise at six in the morning, take a light breakfast of 
chocolate and bread, and hope to be well on the way 
by seven, while the air is yet fresh and cool. Vain 
hope ! If we get under way by nine or ten we shall be 
fortunate. The mules, although usually brought in from 
the portraros, or pastures, the evening before, are never 
quite ready on time. There is always a delay of an 
hour or so in adjusting our luggage on the pack saddles. 
A bridle or a girth or a saddle blanket or something is 
almost sure to be missing. The muleteer invariably 
forgets something, and quite as invariably takes his own 
time in hunting it up. It is worse than useless to try 
to hurry him. In this country, people take life leisurely, 
and never think of doing to-day what may be by any 
possibility put off till to-morrow. Manana (" to-mor- 
row") is the one stock word in the native dialect the 
meaning of which every one must learn to understand 
and appreciate if he would get along without useless 
worry and waste of nervous force. 

Even after all things are ready, and we are fairly 
mounted, the delays are not over. Both mule and 
muleteer seem loath to " get down to business." They 
will stop and loiter at every little way-side chicheria} 

1 A wayside shop in which native drinks are sold at 2\ cents each. 



A Mule Ride in the Andes 5 1 

and if the muleteer solicits a "loan" of a few reales 1 
with which to buy parting drinks for himself and friends, 
it is always good policy to cheerfully grant his request. 
Of course he has no expectation of ever returning the 
money, or that you will be so ill bred as to ever ask 
him for it. But we need have no fears as to his drink- 
ing; he is not going to get tipsy till we reach our 
journey's end. He will then expect another small 
" loan " of a few reales with which to have " a good 
time " on his way back. Upon the whole, he is not 
a bad sort of fellow. He is usually a short, broad- 
chested, stock>', half-breed Indian, scrupulously polite 
and civil, and generally very obliging and useful, pro- 
vided you show no impatience with his dilatory ways 
and do not undertake to hurry him. 

As we ascend the first spur of the Cordilleras we get 
a fine view of the upper Magdalena river and valley, 
which from this altitude look like a vast ocean of green 
billows with a muddy little streak running between 
them. Above this, but still far below us, float great 
pillows of white cloud casting dark and ever-changing 
shadows over the green landscape, while just beyond 
are the snow-capped mountains of Tolima, which seem 
to pierce the very sky. The picture is one which no 
artist has ever succeeded in putting on canvas, yet, 
once seen, is ever fresh on the tablets of memory. 

An hour or so later, and almost before we realize it, 
we are well out of the torrid heats and into the region 
of perennial spring. The atmosphere has now become 
singularly clear, crisp, and exhilarating; we seem to 
breathe more deeply and easily, the limbs regain their 
wonted elasticity, and the mind becomes clearer and 
more active. As we gaze in rapture upon the majesty 
and grandeur of the scenery before us, we readily for- 

1 A real is a native silver coin worth about ten cents. 



52 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

get the petty annoyances of the early morning, and the 
multitudinous discomforts of the past two weeks' 
journey. 

A little farther on, we reach the crest of the great 
dividing ridge between the valleys of the Magdalena 
and the Guaduas. Here we get our first view of real 
Andean scenery ; and the first thing that impresses us 
is the almost painful stillness of the place. Not a sound 
is heard save the flitting of a few lonely sparrows : all 
nature seems to be in majestic repose ; the cares and 
bustle of mundane life are all far beneath us, and we 
seem almost face to face with the Divine. To the east- 
ward are the snow-capped ridges of San Ruiz, and a 
little to the southward, and much nearer, are those of 
Tolima, already noticed. Towering above all these is 
the great cone-shaped peak of Tolima, — the highest 
point on the continent north of the equator. Running 
up from a tropical base through all the climes of the 
globe, with belts of herbage of every latitude on its 
steep and mottled sides, the hoary pinnacle of this great 
mountain seems to pierce the very sky. In the thin, 
transparent atmosphere, distances are very deceptive, 
and this majestic sentinel of the Andes seems but a few 
furlongs distant. It really looks like we ought to be 
able to reach its base in a couple of hours at least. But 
it is more than a hundred miles distant, and to reach it 
by the ordinary route and mode of travel would require 
a whole week of the hardest kind of riding. To our 
left, far beneath us, is the beautiful little lozenge-shaped 
valley of the Guaduas, encircled by a high wall of tree- 
less mountains and fringed on all sides by a green bor- 
der of coffee plantations and bamboo groves. In the 
centre of this valley, nestled among the plantain and 
bamboo, is the red tiled village, sometimes dignified by 
the name of city; and meandering through the centre 



A Mule Ride in the Andes 53 

of the valley is the rapid-running little river of clear 
mountain water, which at this distance looks like a mere 
thread of silver. This little river, valley, and city are 
directly in the line of our journey; and the serpentine 
mountain path on the sierra beyond, now so distinctly 
visible, yet so remote, must be climbed to-morrow. 
The little city just below us will afford lodging for the 
night; but we must break away from the enchanting 
scene which has held us spell-bound for the last hour, 
if we would reach the posada before dark, for the dis- 
tance is at least five times greater than it appears. So 
down, down we go ; now skirting a rocky cliff, now 
crossing a deep cove, now ascending, now descending; 
now traversing the sombre margins of a beautiful moss- 
grown dell; then down again by a yawning precipice, 
where a single misstep would send both mule and rider 
beyond the cares of this world ; finally down a rocky 
ledge over which it would seem even a goat could 
scarcely pass in safety, and just as the short twilight of 
a tropical evening is merging into thick darkness, we 
find ourselves sitting in the piazza of the hostlery enjoy- 
ing the soft and balmy atmosphere of the place. Anon 
we have a dinner of soup, fish, boiled meats, and vege- 
tables, all cooked in Spanish style with an abundance of 
garlic and red peppers, followed by a variety of dulces} 
white cheese, coffee, and cigars, and then to bed. And 
ah ! how we enjoy the sound sleep on a hard raw-hide 
cot — not overly clean perhaps — despite the fleas and 
the dirt ! 

This little valley is about 3,000 feet above sea-level, 
and therefore has a mild and equable climate. The 
temperature seldom varies five degrees the year round. 
Indeed, it is rarely above jo° or below 68°. A perfect 

1 Dulces ("sweets") is the common name applied to all forms of 

dessert. 



54 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

paradise, you say ? Well, not quite ! There are other 
conditions than temperature necessary to an ideal para- 
dise ; and even the climate is somewhat deceptive. 
For before we shall have tarried long we shall discover 
that the atmosphere is quite damp ; that the water, 
though clear and sparkling, is loaded with deleterious 
mineral substances ; that rheumatism, diphtheria, and 
goitre are common ailments ; and that very few old or 
even middle-aged people are to be seen moving about 
the streets. 

The population of the town — or " city " as it is in 
courtesy called — hardly exceeds 20,000. Of these 
perhaps one fourth may be of pure Caucasian descent. 
The rest is a mixture of Indian and white, with a few 
lonely and discontented-looking mulattoes and octoroons 
thrown in. You rarely see a fine specimen of robust 
and vigorous manhood ; never perhaps except among 
the native Indian population of pure descent, and even 
these would not be so regarded in the United States or 
England. 

The town, like the river and valley, derives its name 
from that by which the indigenous bamboo plant is 
known in the language of the country. From time 
immemorial the Indians have utilized the guaduas or 
bamboo in their crude arts. Houses, fences, furniture, 
and water-vessels are all made of this feathery and 
graceful plant, which here grows to an enormous size. 
But I never heard of the bud of the plant being used for 
food as in China and the East Indies, where it is con- 
sidered a great delicacy. 

From Guaduas the line of our journey, as I have said, 
lies zigzag directly over a second ridge of the sierra. 
It will require fully three hours to reach the crest, and 
then we shall have to descend the opposite side to 
another little valley called Las Tabuyas, — some 500 feet 



A Mule Ride in the Andes 55 

greater altitude than that of Guaduas. By the time we 
reach the little posada we are ready for the midday 
meal, here called almuerzo or " breakfast." Aside from 
good coffee, some stale bread, a few boiled eggs, and 
chicken that has been spoiled in the cooking, there is 
little to tempt the appetite. But to a hungry man this 
is a princely breakfast. Besides, the coffee is really very 
fine ; you can never hope to get anything like it in the 
United States, and you wonder why it is that Anglo- 
Americans seem not to know the difference between a 
cup of slop and real coffee. The fact is, we do not know 
what a cup of real coffee is till we visit our Latin neigh- 
bors across the Caribbean, nor realize what genuine tea 
means till we have drank it with our almond-eyed brethren 
in " far off Cathay." 

Turning our backs upon the beautiful little valley of 
Las Tabuyas, we begin the ascent of a third and still 
higher ridge of the Cordillera. Anon we reach its 
dizzy crest; and looking across a third valley, we get 
our first glimpse of the town of Agualarge, — our last 
stopping place before reaching the great savannah of 
Bogota. In this thin transparent air, the little moun- 
tain town looks as if it might be within pistol-shot ; but 
it is really more than ten miles distant as the crow flies, 
and fully three times that distance by the mule road. 
Looking down almost directly beneath us, we see the 
little town and valley of Villete through which our way 
leads. It seems to be just at our feet, as it were, and 
that we ought to be able to make the descent in half an 
hour at least ; yet if we get down to it within two and a 
half hours we shall do well. 

By the time we reach the little village posada, it is 
already past four o'clock in the afternoon, and the sun 
is obscured by the high mountain ridge which casts a 
deep shadow across the entire valley ; yet we observe that 



56 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the temperature has risen fully 15 degrees since we left 
our perch on the crest of the dizzy ridge which we have 
just crossed. With a relay of fresh mules, we might 
easily push on to Agualarge before bed-time ; but why 
hurry? " Manana will be a new day," as they say 
here; and we would better remember that we are in " a 
manana country," put up for the night, and begin the 
tedious climb early in the morning. 

The little town of Villete is a collection of mud huts 
with thatched roofs and dirt floors. There are a few 
better houses, but the posada is not one of them. In 
fact it is usually about the meanest looking house in the 
place. The furniture consists of a few rough pine-tables, 
a few wooden benches, a few clumsy wooden chairs 
with raw-hide seats and backs, a soiled hammock or 
two, and some very dirty looking cross-legged cots. If 
there happens to be a looking glass about the room, it is 
sure to be both dirty and broken. The ewer and basin 
are of tin or white metal, and look as if they had never 
been washed. If the dining-table happens to have any 
linen, it is generally soiled with grease or coffee. The 
knives and forks are of the cheapest and most primitive 
pattern. The principal articles of food are coffee or 
chocolate, cold bread, stringy yellow-legged chicken 
cooked in a way that it is not likely to tempt the appe- 
tite, a little white cheese, brown sugar, and possibly 
some black molasses. But the temperature is rather 
too warm for fleas, and despite the environments we 
have a refreshing night's rest. 

The population of the village is probably five or six 
thousand, and is made up mostly of civilized Indians 
and their mixed descendants. The climate is even 
hotter than that of Honda, but dry and healthful. In- 
deed, Villete has long been regarded as a sort of sani- 
tarium, and rheumatics and paralytics from the capital 



A Mule Ride in the Andes $y 

flock hither during the annual " dry season " in order 
to avoid the cold mists and vapors of that elevated 
region. Of course they all have to " rough it," as 
we would say; but even that has its attractions after 
a long season of confinement in the city, and the 
most fastidious devotee of " Society " likes to unbend 
occasionally. 

Within easy distance of our little posada is a some- 
what noted spring of sulphur water, and near by is 
another containing a large percentage of arsenic. That 
high sombre-looking peak which we see to the south- 
ward, just beyond the village, is an extinct volcano. 
It still smokes a little occasionally, and Humboldt, who 
spent some time here, is said to have predicted, nearly 
a hundred years ago, that it would one day break out 
and destroy the town. But the town is still undisturbed 
in its sleepy quietude, and people do not seem to mind 
the smoking. The little river which trails, serpent-like, 
through the centre of the valley, is as black as ink, 
owing to the passage of its waters through adjacent beds 
of slate, coal, and iron. 

Up to this point, our journey has been literally one of 
" ups and downs." We have ascended the dizzy heights 
of three great spurs of the Cordillera, only to descend 
on opposite sides ; have crossed two deep valleys, only 
to find the bottom of a third, very much deeper than 
either. In most places the narrow road has been 
crowded with beasts of burden, going and coming; yet 
in many places it is not wide enough for two of them to 
walk abreast, and it is often so crooked and precipitous 
that considerable care is necessary in order to keep 
from pitching over the mule's head. And this, we may 
remember, is the great national highway, " El Camino 
Real" of Colombia, the only avenue of communication 
between a fashionable city of over a 100,000 inhabitants 



58 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

and the outside world ! Two hundred and fifty years 
ago it was very much as we see it to-day. There has 
been almost no improvement ; and the means of travel 
and transportation were identically the same as now. 
In the time of Philip II., it became known as "the 
Royal Highway" (El Camino Real) of New Granada. 
Being the only available route from the vast plains of 
the interior to the nearest navigable river, one naturally 
wonders why it was never any better. It seems to have 
been constructed without any previous survey, and in 
utter contempt of either convenience or economy. It 
makes short curves where curves are unnecessary, and 
goes straight up and over some dizzy peak where the 
ascent might have been rendered less difficult and pain- 
ful by easy curves. And although the travel and traffic 
over it are enormous, there is hardly a place on the 
whole route where one can get a decent bed or a 
respectable meal. 

But these inconveniences and hardships are compen- 
sated by the varied and captivating scenery ; and gener- 
ally it is precisely this part of the wild journey from the 
coast to the capital that every one enjoys most. The 
traveller passes through almost every variety of climate 
within the space of a few hours. At one time he is 
shivering as if in the bracing atmosphere of a crisp 
November morning. An hour later he is panting and 
perspiring on the borders of some deep valley, " where 
the summer never ends," and where bounteous crops of 
fruits and flowers chase each other in unbroken succes- 
sion from January to December. Very soon he is skirt- 
ing the point of some bleak paramo, where neither tree 
nor shrub is to be seen, and where the flitting of a lonely 
sparrow gives the only evidence of life. An hour later 
he is again in the midst of a dense tropical grove, reso- 
nant with the notes of birds of rich and gorgeous plum- 



A Mule Ride in the Andes 59 

age, and where the air seems loaded to suffocation with 
floral perfumes. 

Agualarge is just below the outer edge of the great 
savannah of Bogota. Twenty-five years ago there was 
nothing there but a dirty little posada which was chiefly 
remarkable for its fleas and vermin. It is now a neat 
little village of well-built houses, the site of a new steam 
tannery and shoe manufactory. 

The transition from the intense heat of Villete to the 
damp and penetrating winds of this elevated region 
has been a journey of less than four hours, and one 
feels the effects of the change very keenly. The ears 
and fingers fairly ache with cold, and a strange feeling 
of numbness creeps over every limb. Thick flannels 
and overcoats, such as are worn in Washington in 
December, are now very comfortable, although it is 
midsummer and we are under a tropical sun. 

As we pass over the crest of the sierra to the edge 
of the great alta-plain, we are greeted by a climate of 
perpetual spring. Here the mercury seldom rises 
above 65 or falls below 6o° ; and whether the time is 
December or May, we see ripening wheat-fields and 
green pastures, all fringed with wild primroses, gera- 
niums, and other perennial flowers. We can hardly 
realize that we are not somehow in the north tem- 
perate zone ; or that the people we meet on the way- 
side are of the same race and nationality as those of 
Panama and the lower Magdalena valley. We note 
that agriculture is in a somewhat primitive state, but it 
is at least a half century in advance of anything we have 
hitherto seen in the Republic. The enclosures are of 
stone or adobe, and the spacious farmhouse, or quinta, 
has an air of palatial elegance compared with anything 
hitherto seen in the country. The people have a fair 
and ruddy complexion, at least as compared with those 



60 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of the lower valleys ; and their dialect is a near approach 
to the pure Castilian. We observe a number of fine 
omnibuses and coaches; the ox-cart has supplanted the 
traditional pack mule; and we occasionally see the 
patent plough, the neatly painted harrow, the steel 
spade, the patent reaper, and other evidences of modern 
agricultural ndustry. 

But none of these implements were made in Colom- 
bia. Even the coaches and omnibuses have been im- 
ported from abroad, and transported in sections over 
the mountains we have just crossed. One man will 
carry a wheel, another an axle, a third the coupling- 
pole, a fourth will earn' the bolts and screws, some 
half-dozen others will carry sections of the bod} - , and 
so on, comprising the entire outfit, often including the 
harness itself. When all the pieces reach a common 
destination on the edge of the plain, they are carefully 
collected and put together by some native smithy, 
whose very anvil, hammers, tongs, and bellows have 
been carried over the mountains in the same way. One 
hardly knows which is the greater marvel, the failure 
to manufacture such things here, where the raw mate- 
rials are so abundant and convenient, or the almost 
insurmountable obstacles overcome in their importation. 

I have referred, incidentally, to the tropical flea. We 
first make his acquaintance at Guaduas, soon after bid- 
ding adieu to the mosquito and the sand-fly of the 
Magdalena. Our relations with him become more 
intimate at Chimbi and Agualarge ; and by the time 
we reach the towns and cities of the great plain Ave have 
him for an inseparable companion. It has been well 
said that " he is no respecter of persons ; neither is 
there any cadishness about him." Cleanliness affords 
no immunity from his familiarities. Strip and bathe, 
sweep and dust never so often, he still insists upon 



A Mule Ride in the Andes 61 

keeping you company. Quaint old Tusser has some- 
where said, that if, — 

" While wormwood hath seed, 
You take a handful or twaine 
To save against March 
To make flea to refraine, 

" And chamber be sweeped, 
And wormwood be strewn, 
No flea for his life will 
Dare abide to be seen." 

But this was not written of the ubiquitous Colombian 
flea. With respect to him, Tusser's remedy is worthless. 
However, after we are here for a while we will notice 
the nuisance less. Whether this is because we have got 
used to it, or whether it is because the little pest con- 
siders us naturalized, and therefore entitled to the same 
immunities as the natives, I know not; but it is a 
notable fact that natives seldom complain of fleas. 

At Manzanas, near the western edge of the plain, we 
dismiss mules and muleteer and make the balance of 
the journey to the capital in omnibus or coach, leaving 
trunks and luggage to be leisurely carted across the 
plain in clumsy two-wheeled vehicles drawn by oxen. 1 
The oxen are of gigantic size, and are hitched to the 
vehicle in a most singular manner. A heavy beam of 
wood is lashed to the horns of the beasts and rests 
across their foreheads. The tongue or pole of the cart 
is then fastened to this cross beam or yoke ; so that the 
weight of the massive pole and a part of the cart-bed 
and its contents rest on the front part of the oxen's 
heads instead of upon the backs of their necks. In 
other words, the team pushes rather than draws the 

1 This was the case till a very few years ago. There is now a rail- 
road across the plain to the city. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE COLOMBIAN CAPITAL 

IF we could go to sleep in Washington and wake up 
next morning in Santa Fe de Bogota, 1 our first im- 
pressions of the quaint old city would hardly be 
favorable; and, as first impressions are generally last- 
ing, the probabilities are that we should never learn to 
like the place. But after a month's journey, such as I 
have attempted to describe, one is generally in a frame 
of mind to appreciate almost any change, particularly 
if, as in the present case, it be for the better. 

Our first impressions of Bogota are those of surprise 
and admiration, — surprise at finding so large a city 
perched up in the heart of the Andes fully " six hun- 
dred miles from anywhere," and admiration of the 
surpassing natural beauty of the locality. Our next 
impressions are that it is one of the most quiet, con- 
servative, slothful, and restful places on the face of the 
earth, conditions which one appreciates all the more 
after the hard experiences of the long journey from the 
coast. After a day or two we discover that the climate 
is simply perfect, and that the matchless scenery never 
palls upon us. In the course of a few days more, we 
discover that many highly educated and accomplished 
people live here ; that there is an inner circle of society 
equal to the best in Washington ; and that the inhabi- 

1 As the present capital of the Colombian Republic was called prior 
to the independence of the country. It is now known simply as Bogota. 



64 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tants are generally kind, considerate, and hospitable. 
And so it is that strangers generally like the place, 
leave it with more or less reluctance, and rarely fail to 
cherish the most pleasant memories of it. 

The city is beautifully situated on the extreme eastern 
limit of the great savannah, at the base of two high peaks 
of the central cordillera which reaches up to just below 
the perpetual snow limit. From these peaks — known 
as Guadeloupe and Moncerrate — we get a very fair 
view of the interior of the Republic. The snow-capped 
mountains of Tolima and San Ruiz lie some ninety 
miles to the westward, their great frozen sides glisten- 
ing under the rays of a tropical sun. Far northward 
are the fertile valleys and tablelands of Santander and 
Boyaca. To the eastward are the rich mining districts 
of Antioquia, and southward the high ridges which 
limit the great llanos of San Martin in the valley of 
the Meta, one of the principal affluents of the great 
Orinoco. 

The streets of the city run eastward up the acclivity 
to a wide avenue cut in the side of the mountain, and 
are crossed at right angles by those running north and 
south. The blocks or squares thus formed 'rise one 
above another like the benches of a great amphitheatre; 
the terraced sierra above, and the overshadowing peaks 
of Guadeloupe and Moncerrate corresponding to the 
lobbies and balconies. In the middle of each street, ex- 
tending up the acclivity, is a rapidly running stream of 
water, supplied from sources far up in the crevices and 
coves of the mountain, and which, after passing through 
and washing out the city, disembogue into the little 
river San Francisco, one of the main affluents of the 
Funza. 

On the crests of the peaks of Guadeloupe and Mon- 
cerrate are two massive cathedrals, visible from nearly 



The Colombian Capital 65 

all points on the opposite side of the plain. They are 
quite inaccessible except to pedestrians, and to pedes- 
trians only after some three hours of very hard climb- 
ing. We naturally wonder why these great temples 
were built there. Nobody ever lived near them, and 
the bleak and icy paramo beyond is uninhabitable. 
There is really no necessity for them ; for there are 
some thirty odd other cathedrals and chapels in and 
about the city, and if these were not enough, there 
is ample room for more in localities that would be 
accessible. 

Some of the geographies and encyclopaedias tell us 
that the streets of Bogota are " wide and well paved," 
and that the city contains " many elegant and costly 
public buildings," among which is " a well appointed 
theatre and an astronomical observatory." As to the 
streets, they are indeed a trifle wider than those usually 
found in Spanish-American cities ; and they are gen- 
erally well paved after the manner of those of the 
sixteenth century, — that is to say, with cobble-stone 
over which it is next to impossible to drive a vehicle, 
or even to walk with comfort. The sidewalks are of 
smooth stone or brick, but generally so narrow that 
when two pedestrians meet, one of them is obliged to 
take the gutter. There are many spacious public 
buildings ; but with the exception of the new capitol 
and executive mansion, they are generally old convents 
and monasteries adapted to official uses. There is a 
large theatre building also, but it is generally shut up 
except once or twice a year, and even then it is so dirty 
and full of fleas that few people care to enter it. And 
there is the national observatory, that is to say, the old 
building was there at the time of which I am now speak- 
ing, some twenty-five years ago. Since then it has been 
repaired, and the old broken instruments have been 

5 



66 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

brushed up and mended, or else replaced by new ones. 
It was founded nearly a century ago by Don Jose Cel- 
estino Mutes, a native scientist who espoused the patriot 
cause in the contest for independence, and perished In 
that memorable struggle. 

Bogota was founded by Gonzalo Jimenez de Que- 
sada, the conqueror of New Granada, in 1538. It was 
constituted a "city" by royal decree of the emperor 
Charles V., in the early part of his eventful reign, and 
has long been an archiepiscopal See of the Roman 
Church. It now contains some thirty-three church 
edifices besides the metropolitan cathedral. It has also 
one Protestant church (Presbyterian), which was com- 
pleted and opened to public service in 1876. There is 
a mint, a public market, a national library of some 
75,000 volumes, and a museum of antiquities and 
natural curiosities ; a national university with faculties 
of law, medicine, engineering, philosophy, and natural 
sciences ; an ecclesiastical seminary ; an institute of fine 
arts, and many public and private schools for the educa- 
tion of the youth of both sexes. There are three large 
and beautiful parks, in which are costly bronze statues 
of the early heroes and statesmen of the Republic ; an 
abundant supply of clear and pure mountain water, and 
a system of tramways connecting the city with suburban 
villages. The city is now well lighted by gas and elec- 
tricity. The present population is something over 
100,000, generally white or a mixture of white and In- 
dian races. There are almost no negroes or mulattoes, 
very few quadroons and octoroons, and perhaps less 
than a dozen English or American residents. 

The city is very compactly built. There are no in- 
termediate vacant lots, no side or back alleys, no front 
yards and lawns ; you see only streets and houses and 
little plazas and parks. Each of the four sides of the 



The Colombian Capital 67 

squares is enclosed by what appears to be a solid adobe 
wall with doors and windows. This wall extends from 
corner to corner, all around the square, and is from 
thirty to forty feet high. It stands right on the edge of 
the narrow sidewalk, and has overhanging eaves and 
balconies. This is as it appears to the stranger ; but in 
reality it is the united fronts of the houses. The divi- 
sion walls, equally thick and strong, start at right angles 
from the inner side, and extend back to about midway 
the block, where another high wall separates the abut- 
ting premises. The only entrance from the street is 
through a very wide double door, or porton, as it is 
called, which opens directly on the sidewalk. A wide 
and well-paved hallway leads from this entrance through 
a second door, or porton, into a wide corridor, and thence 
back through an inner court to the rear of the premises. 
In the first corridor is a wide stairway, usually of stone 
or tile, which leads up to the corridors of the second 
story of the building, which is properly the family resi- 
dence. On this second story corridor, which extends 
all around the four sides of the hollow square, or patio, 
open the rooms of the dwelling. The drawing-room 
and parlors open upon street balconies on one side and 
the patio and corridor on the other. The dining-hall is 
usually just opposite, on the farther side of the patio. 
The bed-chambers and sitting-rooms are between, on 
both sides of the patio. The kitchen, pantry, etc., are 
back of the dining-hall, and open upon a second court 
or patio. The style of architecture is uniform, old- 
fashioned, comfortable, admirably adapted to this mild 
and equable climate, and affords absolute privacy. 
When the great front door, or porton, is shut and bolted, 
the house is a veritable " castle," no less in reality 
than by legal fiction. 

There are no tenement houses as such, and few cot- 



68 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tages for the poorer classes. The ground floors of the 
fronts of the large houses are generally subdivided into 
small apartments, or tiendas, which open directly on the 
sidewalk. In the business part of the city these tiendas 
are rented as shops, offices, and stores ; those more re- 
mote are rented to poor families for residences. In the 
case last named, the room is rarely more than fifteen or 
twenty feet square, and has no ventilation whatever ex- 
cept through the open front door or a little twelve by 
fourteen inch window on the same side. There is nei- 
ther door nor window on the opposite or inner side, for 
that would of course destroy the privacy of the mansion 
above. Neither are there any of the ordinary appliances 
for cooking. The same room usually serves as kitchen, 
dining-room, parlor, and bedroom. There are none of 
the ordinary arrangements for the convenience or neces- 
sities of the smallest family ; and as there are no public 
privies, the canoes in the public streets are sometimes 
used by the common people for that purpose. It seems 
almost incredible that such a condition of affairs should 
exist in a large city where there is so much culture and 
refinement amongst the upper classes ; where even the 
poor classes are civil and courteous, and where the 
external forms of religion are so generally and so rigidly 
observed by all classes and conditions of people. 

The sidewalks, as I have said, are rarely wide enough 
for two persons to pass each other. People walk single 
file, Indian and Chinese fashion. When two pedestri- 
ans meet, one " takes the wall " and the other the gut- 
ter; and this not unfrequently gives rise to childish 
contentions, such as were common in the streets of old 
Edinburgh three or four centuries ago. When you see 
two men standing facing each other in the middle of the 
street, each gesticulating with hat in hand, and insisting 
upon giving the other the narrow sidewalk, you know 



The Colombian Capital 69 

at once that both feel secure in their social position. 
But if you happen to meet your neighbor's cook, or the 
butcher, or some parvenu who has not yet learned 
enough to imitate the manners of a gentleman, the best 
thing to do is to slip quietly down into the gutter, and 
" let the sovereign pass " ! 

Up to within the past few years vehicles were never 
seen on the public streets ; for the rough cobble-stone 
pavements were not constructed with reference to any 
such modern innovations. Gentlemen went on foot or 
rode horseback ; and when the ladies did not walk or 
ride horseback, they rode in palanquins borne by two 
lusty peons. Boxes and barrels and heavy packages of 
merchandise were borne through the streets on the 
backs of donkeys or the shoulders of porters. All 
building material was transported in the same way, ex- 
cept the long wooden beams for girders and rafters, 
which were dragged through the streets by oxen in the 
most primitive manner. During the past few years, 
however, two or three of the principal thoroughfares have 
been neatly paved with Belgian blocks or with asphalt; 
and a few well-to-do people now keep private carriages, 
though they seldom use them. Even the public omni- 
buses and hacks are little used except for short excur- 
sions to the neighboring towns and villages. 

The tramway, or street railroad, is another innovation 
of comparatively recent date. As yet it is limited to 
one or two avenues leading out to the suburban villages, 
some miles distant from the city. The original plan 
was, I believe, to extend branch lines through all the 
principal streets ; but in this bright and genial climate, 
where the atmosphere is cool and exhilarating, and 
where one hundred thousand people are crowded into a 
small space, street railways are neither a luxury nor a 
necessity. People prefer to walk, and would hardly ride 



jo Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

in street cars even if paid to do so. Indeed, walking 
here, at all hours of the day, is regarded as a sort of 
luxury and pleasant recreation ; and every morning and 
evening the thoroughfares and parks are crowded with 
well-dressed people of both sexes and all ages, who 
walk about by the hour merely for the sake of out-door 
exercise. Ladies go to early mass or to vespers with 
the regularity of clockwork, but always on foot; or if 
it should happen to be raining, the older and feebler 
ones will go to church in their palanquins. The clergy 
all walk, and the family physician walks when he does 
not go on horseback. 

The great central plaza bears the name of Bolivar, 1 
in honor of General Simon Bolivar the Libertador. On 
its southern limits stands the new capitol building, still 
in an unfinished state though begun thirty years ago, 
a plain but well-proportioned structure of white granite. 
On the east side is the metropolitan cathedral; and 
adjoining this grand old edifice, on the same side of the 
plaza, is the ancient palace of the Spanish viceroys, 
now used as shops and offices. 

The cathedral is said to occupy the identical site 
whereon stood the first Christian chapel established in 
the city in 1538. This primitive chapel was built by 
the Spanish conqueror, Ouesada, who, in addition to 
his military title, was a licentiate. He was a devoted 
churchman, but had the usual vices of his times, though 
none of the coarse and brutal instincts of the illiterate 
and vicious Pizarro. Facing the plaza from the west 
side is a huge old three-story building, extending clear 
across the square, known as the Portalis. It is one of 
the ancient landmarks of the city, and is now occupied 
as retail stores, hotels, and business offices. On the 
north side is the Club House and a number of fine 
1 Pronounced Bo-lee-var. 



The Colombian Capital 71 

stores. In the centre of the plaza is a fine bronze 
statue of General Bolivar, said to be an excellent like- 
ness. The sad, thoughtful face, with deep-furrowed lines 
and wrinkled brow is turned, as if in mute reproach, 
towards the old executive mansion through a high 
window of which he once leaped at the dead hour of 
midnight, in order to escape the assassin. 

The great Plaza de los Martiros (" plaza of the mar- 
tyrs") is near the outskirts of the western limits of the city. 
The place is so named in honor of the memory of the 
patriots who were murdered here in a most brutal 
manner by General Murillo, one of the royalist chiefs 
in the war of independence. A few years ago it was an 
open common, the depository of dead cats and dogs, 
and frequented only by superannuated donkeys. In 
1 88 1, it was reclaimed by the city and converted into 
a beautiful park, in the centre of which now stands 
a tall granite shaft. Neither pains nor expense was 
spared to make it an attractive place of popular resort, 
but all to no purpose. People seem to instinctively 
avoid it. Children will not play there, and no one 
ever thinks of going there for a promenade. Perhaps, 
after all, this is not strange. Some places, like some in- 
dividuals, are repulsive by reason of mere association of 
ideas, and around this particular spot hover the saddest 
of memories. During the Revolution it was a veritable 
Golgotha, and for half a century afterwards it was the 
scene of judicial murders. And it continued to be a 
sort of executioner's ground till the early sixties, when 
capital punishment was abolished by constitutional 
provision. 

Not a great way from this tragic spot, some three or 
four squares to the southward, is another noted place, 
known as " Ninguna Parte." 2 It is now and has been 

2 Literally, " Nowhere." 



j 2 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

for years past, a somewhat dilapidated and disreputable 
quarter of the city ; but early in the present century it 
was the home of some of the most noted men of Co- 
lombia, and in 1827, when General William Henry 
Harrison (afterwards President of the United States) 
was our minister to the new Republic, the American 
legation was located there. The old house in which he 
lived — a large one-story edifice — is still pointed out 
to the curious. General Harrison had been our diplo- 
matic representative here but a short time when he was 
unceremoniously removed by General Jackson (who 
had in the mean time become President), in order to 
make room for a violent partisan who claimed his 
reward under the newly inaugurated " spoils system." 
But General Harrison had been here long enough to 
discover and expose the secret scheme of one of his 
European colleagues, looking to the overthrow of the 
Republic, and to a provision for one of the needy and 
unoccupied princes of the old world. The new min- 
ister, who seems to have felt constrained by party 
fealty to cast reproach upon his predecessor, made a 
one-sided and distorted report of this incident, and Gen- 
eral Harrison went home discredited and humiliated by 
his own government. But just thirteen years later he 
was inaugurated President of the United States, — one 
of the many illustrations in history of the fickleness of 
public sentiment. 

It was likewise in the western part of the city, some 
five or six blocks northward from the Plaza de los 
Martiros, and in a locality now very undesirable for 
residence, that Alexander von Humboldt had his quar- 
ters during his six or eight months sojourn in the Co- 
lombian capital. The little dilapidated, two-story house 
occupied by him is now a sort of chicheria and gamb- 
ling den. It was here, however, where the great Ger- 



The Colombian Capital 73 

man philosopher and scientist wrote portions of his 
"Personal Narrative" ; and credulous people are still 
shown the identical peg on which he used to hang his 
saddle and cermarros, the little east room in which he 
slept, and the stall, on the ground floor, where he kept 
his riding mule. 

The first house ever built in the city, and in which 
General Quesada lived and died, is likewise pointed 
out to the curious. It stands on the northern side of 
the little Plaza de las JVievas, on the west side of the 
Almeda, or avenue leading from the Plaza San Fran- 
cisco to the Centennial Park. When I last saw this 
quaint old house it was occupied by an American 
citizen at a rental of fifteen dollars a month, and would 
have been a hard bargain at half that sum. 

Near by, on the opposite side of the Almeda is the 
old cathedral of Las Nievas, one of the popular resorts 
of the faithful ; and close by, commanding a full view 
of the little plaza, is a narrow, two-story edifice in 
which lived the first viceroy of New Granada. The 
alcove in the corner, opening from the main saloon, 
is pointed out as the place where His High Mightiness 
was wont to sit and witness the flagellations of unruly 
subjects who had been sentenced to " ninety-and-nine 
well laid on," in punishment for some real or fancied 
dereliction of duty. The old house, when I last saw it, 
was occupied as a small furniture factory and ware- 
room, where a descendant of one of the early presidents 
of the Republic seemed to be doing a thriving business. 

Just beyond this, to the southward, but on the oppo- 
site side of the Almeda, is the celebrated Foundling 
Hospital whose mysterious " midnight window " so 
piqued the curiosity of Mr. Holton, the American peda- 
gogue, who wrote a queer sort of book about the 
country three quarters of a century ago. A little 



74 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

beyond, on the same side of the avenue, opposite the 
old Santander mansion, is La Casa de los Ejevcicios 
Espirituales (" The House of Spiritual Exercises "), 
wherein the faithful were wont to lacerate their flesh in 
penance for real or fancied sins. It is now used as a 
sort of warehouse, where lime and tiles and other build- 
ing materials are kept on sale. 

A little further on, fronting what is now the beautiful 
and picturesque little park of San Francisco, is the 
great Triplicate Cathedral and monastery. The latter is 
now used as government offices ; but the three grand 
old temples are still popular places of public worship. 
Many years ago, but still within the present century, 
there was an annual custom here of " burning the 
Devil " in effigy. A hideous image, made of pasteboard 
and paper, and swung out from the belfry, was set on 
fire and slowly lowered into the plaza by sliding ropes. 
By the time his Satanic Majesty reached the ground 
he was a charred mass, emitting a strong odor of burn- 
ing sulphur. Even the fanatical rabble have now out- 
grown this nonsense; but one naturally wonders when 
or where the custom originated. I remember to have 
once seen something very much like it near a Buddhist 
temple in the interior of China, and was told by the 
officiating priest that it was a very old custom, intended 
to counteract " evil influences." 

Far up the tortuous course of the little river which 
skirts the plaza San Francisco, at the opening of the 
deep gorge between the peaks of Guadeloupe and Mon- 
cerrate, is the once famous Quinta Bolivar, the country 
residence of the Libertador-President before he fell into 
popular disfavor. It was a present from one of his 
wealthy admirers, and was a most beautiful and pic- 
turesque place, even as late as 1873. It is now the 
property of a well-to-do Antioquenian tanner whose vats 



The Colombian Capital 75 

and raw-hides and currying benches and bark mills are 
scattered about all over what were once beautiful lawns 
and flower gardens. 

I hesitate to attempt anything like an enumeration, 
much less a description, of the grand old monasteries and 
convents of the city. You can hardly stroll two squares 
in any direction without seeing one or more of these rem- 
nants of a former civilization. Some of them occupy 
entire squares, and must have cost immense sums of 
money. Since the great political upheaval of i860, gen- 
erally known as " the Mosquera Revolution," these grand 
old edifices have ceased to be Church property. Some 
of them have been converted into school and college 
buildings, others into hotels and hospitals, and others into 
armories and barracks. Many of them are now used as 
government buildings. One of them, for instance, af- 
fords comfortable quarters for the General Post Office 
and the War and Navy departments of the national 
government ; another is occupied by the National Uni- 
versity ; another by the National Mint ; another by the 
National Military Academy; another by the noted 
College of the Rosario ; and others have been sub- 
divided and converted into warehouses, stores, hotels, 
and private residences. As late as 1850, perhaps fully 
one half, if not more, of the entire property of the city 
belonged to the Church, and was exempt from taxation 
by the state and municipal authorities. 

Since 1876, the streets and plazas and public build- 
ings have been lighted by gas manufactured from soft 
coal, which is found in inexhaustible quantities within 
sight of the city ; and quite recently, the modern elec- 
tric arc light has been added on some of the main 
thoroughfares. But in 1873, when I first knew the place, 
the only lights used were petroleum lamps and tallow 
candles. The petroleum was imported from the United 



y6 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

States at an aggregate cost of about two dollars per 
gallon ; the finer wax candles used in the private resi- 
dences and in the churches were imported from France 
at a cost of about two dollars per dozen. The common 
people used the native tallow dips. Twenty-five or 
thirty years ago there was not a board floor in any of 
the houses, and comparatively few glass windows. Now 
no fine residence is thought to be complete without 
both. The boards are made of native hard woods; the 
glass is imported from Europe and the United States at 
an enormous cost. 

One of the striking peculiarities of the city, noticeable 
by all foreigners, is its extreme quietness. Except 
during the forenoon of feast days when the church bells 
are making an uproar, or in time of some local " revolu- 
tion " when people are fighting or running, the stillness 
of the place is almost oppressive. There is no rushing 
or bustling on the business streets ; no rattling of drays 
and carts ; no shrieks of the steam-whistle ; no loud 
talking and laughing ; and even the servants and mes- 
sengers never get out of a leisurely and dignified walk. 
There are almost no drunken broils, yet nearly every one 
drinks ; and you rarely see a policeman. Everybody 
appears to take life easily, leisurely, and quietly. When 
a matter cannot be conveniently attended to to-day, it is 
put off till to-morrow; and when the "to-morrow" 
comes, it may be again postponed, and so on 
indefinitely. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE ALTA-PLAIN OF BOGOTA 

A FEW miles north of the equatorial line, near 
the boundary between Colombia and Ecuador, 
the three great Cordilleras of the Andes com- 
bine into one dizzy ridge before again spreading out 
into three distinct ranges. One of these ranges, branch- 
ing out northwest, passes through the isthmus into 
Central America and Mexico, and thence, under a dif- 
ferent name, along the western coast of the United 
States into British Columbia and Alaska. The second 
or middle range, continuing almost due northward, 
reaches its highest point in the peaks of Tolima, some 
ninety miles from the Colombian capital, and is soon 
lost in the Caribbean sea. The third range, turning 
northeastward, passes on through Venezuela and ter- 
minates in the Atlantic. 

In the lap of this last-named range, nearly two miles 
above the sea-level, is the great savannah or plateau of 
Bogota. Its geographical position is near the 4th par- 
allel north latitude and the 70th meridian west longitude, 
and is on nearly a direct line from the cities of Quito 
and La Paz to the Atlantic ocean. It is, as we have 
seen, within a few leagues of the Magdalena, and quite 
as near to the upper reaches of the Meta, one of the 
navigable affluents of the Orinoco, — conditions which 
sufficiently indicate the future possibilities of Bogota as 
an inland commercial centre. 



78 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

I have said that its altitude is nearly two miles. Its 
exact altitude at the Plaza Bolivar, is 8,760 feet above 
the sea. The plateau proper contains about 2,100 
square miles of arable land, it being about 70 miles in 
length by about 30 in width. In shape and general 
outline it may be compared to a great oval dish, slightly 
dipping southwestward, but otherwise perfectly level ; 
the high circular wall of treeless mountains correspond- 
ing to the outer rim, while the foot-hills and benches 
represent the inner lobe. The entire plain is a treeless 
prairie, but well watered by a number of small fresh- 
water lakes and numerous running streams. The 
brooks and creeks have their sources in the surround- 
ing cordillera and foot-hills, and run in general direc- 
tion from northeast to southwest. Near the western 
extremity of the plateau, these various streams are 
united into one, known as the river Funza, or Bogota, 
which constitutes one of the principal affluents of the 
upper Magdalena. Just before reaching the edge of the 
plain, the Funza runs with deep and rapid current, and 
is finally precipitated over a perpendicular cliff into a 
deep gorge, some six hundred feet below, which leads 
down by rapid descent to the valley of Anapoime. This 
is the noted Falls of Tequendama. 

The climate of the plateau usually impresses one at 
first as being perfect. The mean temperature is about 
62 , the mercury seldom rising above 65 ° or falling 
below 59 all the year round. The atmosphere is 
singularly clear, thin, pure, and exhilarating; some- 
times rather cool, crisp, and chilly, but always soft, 
balmy, and agreeable even to the weakest lungs. It is 
the region of perpetual spring, where flowers bloom 
every month in the year, and all nature seems bright 
and joyous. 

But on further acquaintance, we discover that this is 



The Alta-Plain of Bogota 79 

not the springtime of the temperate zone, but rather an 
abnormal climate where spring, summer, autumn, and 
winter are harmoniously blended into one continuous 
season. The sun shines out with dazzling brightness, 
but we seem not to feel its power. Umbrellas and 
parasols are not needed to protect us from the burning 
rays, and we rarely perspire. Sunstrokes and frosts are 
alike unknown ; and one experiences none of that lassi- 
tude so common in the springtime of the north temper- 
ate zone, nor of that indisposition to go out and enjoy 
the fresh air so common in high latitudes. There is 
little or no malaria, yellow fever is unknown, and pneu- 
monia, pleurisy, and pulmonary consumption are very 
rare. Thick flannels are always necessary, and at morn- 
ing and evening a light overcoat is generally comfort- 
able. At nightfall we shall want all the doors and 
windows closed, and will need thick blankets. We are 
always comfortable while walking about in the open 
air ; but if we sit still in the house long at a time, a 
strange coldness and numbness will be felt in the lower 
limbs ; and for this there is but one remedy, which is 
to get up and walk out, no matter how busy. A brisk 
walk of fifteen minutes will set everything to rights. 
The blood will be sent tingling to the very extremities, 
and the whole body will soon be in a pleasant glow. It 
is vain to think of stoves and fireplaces. They have 
been tried many times, and always with the same result. 
The atmosphere is so thin and light that a stove or 
grate soon exhausts the oxygen in the room, and a 
queer feeling of suffocation follows. If, to avoid this 
inconvenience, a window be opened the fire is of little 
benefit and the draft unpleasant. 

It is quite impossible to work or study here with the 
same continuity as at less altitudes. Four hours daily 
is about the maximum for the average brain-worker. 



80 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

If in the consciousness of youthful vigor and robust 
health, one ventures beyond this, alarming symptoms 
will soon be developed, such as loss of appetite, insom- 
nia, restlessness, and nervous exhaustion; and unless 
these premonitions are heeded, nervous prostration, 
paralysis, and sometimes partial insanity are likely to 
follow. 

It is a common belief that respiration at this altitude 
is more or less difficult and painful. This is true to 
some extent, but it is generally exaggerated. A 
stranger, on first visiting the plain, will experience a 
temporary shortness of breath ; he cannot run uphill or 
up a flight of stairs as rapidly as at lower altitudes; and 
when he attempts to speak or read in public he will 
soon find himself gasping for breath. But this soon 
passes away, and after the first week or so, the lungs 
expand and readily adjust themselves to the thin air, 
when one may read aloud or speak by the hour without 
the least difficulty. Of course respiration will be deeper 
and more rapid than at the coast, but this becomes 
automatic and is performed unconsciously. The blood 
is forced through the veins and arteries at a correspond- 
ingly increased rate ; and the pulse, which we will say 
is normal at 75 strokes on the coast, will here rise to 
the eighties. But this should cause no alarm. The 
machinery is not out of order at all ; it is simply run- 
ning at a greater speed. Hence the inhabitants of this 
beautiful region, though usually healthy and robust- 
looking, are generally short-lived. A man at forty-five 
or fifty is thought to be old, and worthless at sixty. 
Of course there are exceptions ; I am now speaking of 
the rule. 

But this premature decay is compensated by a mar- 
vellous precocity. Girls marry at 14; and, among 
the. lower classes, they sometimes become mothers at 



The Alta-Plain of Bogota 8 1 

12 and 13. Boys consider themselves men at 14; they 
are through college at 16 or 17, voters at 18, active 
politicians at 20, and sometimes grandfathers at 30. In 
social or domestic life there seems to be no intermediate 
station between the nursery and the drawing-room ; there 
is no " awkward age " of girlhood or boyhood, no dolls 
and mud-pies, no season of tops and jack-knives. 

In this favored region the planting and the harvest 
season may be in every month of the year, and two and 
even three crops may be grown annually on the same 
ground. It is no unusual thing to see farmers planting 
and sowing in adjacent fields, whether the season be in 
December or May. July and August are considered 
the most inclement and disagreeable months of the 
year. They constitute what is known here as the 
paramo season, when the dense fogs from the hot 
valleys below are wafted over the bleak sierras, often 
obscuring the sun for whole days, or falling in light, 
cold mists over the plain. At such times the air is very 
damp and penetrating, chilling one to the very bone, 
and often producing the worst forms of rheumatism. 

The rainy season proper — invierno (" winter") as it 
is called here — sets in about the 20th of September 
and lasts until about the 20th of November. During 
this time, there is invariably a rain-storm daily ; but it 
never rains longer than about twelve hours at a time, 
and a clear, bright morning may be generally counted 
upon. At midday a thunder-cloud will rise, and the 
downpour begins. This will continue incessantly until 
about midnight, when it suddenly ceases and the sky 
becomes singularly clear. The fair weather usually 
continues till noon next day, when the downpour begins 
again with the regularity of clockwork. 

The dry season (the verano or " summer ") begins 
about the 20th of November and continues unbroken 

6 



82 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

until about the middle of February. During this time, 
the climate is simply perfect. Not a speck of cloud is 
to be seen, and the atmosphere is singularly clear, pure, 
and transparent. A morning walk, or a ride on horse- 
back at this season is delightful. The mere act of 
breathing is a luxury, and one seems to drink in new 
life with each breath. At night the stars shine out 
against the deep-blue sky with uncommon brilliancy, 
and seem at least a third larger than when seen in clear 
weather from the lower valleys or from the coast. A 
moonlight night here at this season is indescribably 
beautiful. The light is bright enough to read by, and 
is of that peculiar whiteness and softness seen nowhere 
else. It seems a veritable fairyland, and people linger 
in the streets and parks as if they regretted the necessity 
of sleep. 

The lakes and watercourses of the plain abound with 
fish, but of a single species, here known as el capitan, — 
a sort of slimy eel, serpent-like and repulsive in appear- 
ance, but very palatable when properly prepared. 
There is something like it in some parts of southern 
China, and hence the popular delusion, sometimes re- 
peated in books of travel, that the Chinese eat snakes ! 
Water-fowl are abundant, especially the small snipe and 
the teal duck so highly prized by European sportsmen ; 
and edible frogs, such as Parisian epicures prize so 
highly, are very numerous — possibly for the reason 
that no one ever thinks of disturbing them. There are 
a few fresh-water turtle, and an abundance of fresh- 
water crabs and shrimps. But I do not now recall ever 
having seen a water moccasin or other species of snake 
on the plain. Mosquitoes and house-flies are unknown ; 
but the fleas are everywhere. 

The soil is a black loam of apparently inexhaustible 
fertility. The staple crop is the so-called " Irish " 



The Alta-Plain of Bogota 83 

potato. It is said to be a native of the Andes, and I 
was inclined to credit the truth of this now generally 
accepted belief until I saw the wild potato growing in 
the mountains of western China, where it has grown 
from time immemorial. The probability is that the 
potato was known to the Chinese ages before the dis- 
covery of America by Columbus. Maize, or a degen- 
erate species of Indian corn, grows well at this altitude, 
but matures slowly and imperfectly. Wheat and rye 
do very much better, and both are extensively culti- 
vated. Rice will not mature here at all, but soon de- 
generates into a worthless species of swamp grass. All 
the fruits of the north temperate zone can be forced to 
grow here, but few of them mature well. The peaches 
and apples are almost worthless, and a bearing grape- 
vine is never seen. Melons and cantaloupes are hope- 
less failures ; no amount of labor or coaxing will bring 
them to maturity. The sweet potato is an exotic ; but 
the strawberries are delicious. The cabbage never 
heads, and is eaten green as in Texas and southern 
China. The cotton plant is out of its element here, and 
so is the sugar-cane. But the farmer of the plain may, 
if he chooses, and at a trifling cost, have fresh green 
peas and string beans on his table every day in the year, 
as well as the best of celery, parsnips, turnips, carrots, 
lettuce, spinach, radishes, asparagus, and every variety 
of kitchen vegetable common to the north temperate 
zone. 

On the larger farms, or haciendas, the chief industry 
is stock and cattle breeding. The cattle are usually 
very large, but of an inferior variety*, valued chiefly for 
their hides and tallow. Quite recently, however, there 
has been great improvement in the breed by crossing 
with imported varieties ; and dairy farms are becoming 
quite common and very profitable. The cows keep fat 



84 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

all the year round on the native grass, and never require 
other food. The grass is a species of musquit, like that 
on the frontiers of Texas and New Mexico, — very coarse 
and hardy, but succulent and nutritious. Red clover — 
a recent innovation — does well, and is now beginning 
to be considerably cultivated. Sheep seem to be in 
their proper element at this altitude ; and yet somehow 
the wool industry in this region has hitherto received 
little or no attention. The hog is an exotic, but thrives 
well in the lower valleys, as, for instance, about Ana- 
poime and Tocaime. And yet an American or English 
canvassed ham is often in demand at from three to five 
dollars per pound, and is considered a special luxury at 
state and official dinners. 

The donkey and the mule, here as elsewhere, are in- 
separable adjuncts of Spanish-American civilization, and 
afford the only facilities for mountain travel and trans- 
portations. The result is that " a mule farm," if well 
managed, rarely fails to be profitable. There is always a 
ready market at high prices, and a well-trained saddle 
mule will bring from three to five hundred dollars. 

During my residence here, thinking it possible to 
train one of the native horses to trot in single harness, I 
bought a young one that had never been trained to the 
saddle, and engaged a jockey to break him in. After 
several months the jockey brought in the horse ready 
for service. He did very well for a while ; but one day 
when some herdsmen came dashing along the road at 
full speed, he seemed to suddenly forget how to trot, 
and broke off into a full gallop. When I attempted to 
check him, he stopped stock-still and refused to budge. 
Finally I got out and tried to coax him into a good hiu 
mor. He quieted down somewhat ; but when I attempted 
to resume my seat in the vehicle, he concluded that he 
wanted his liberty, and in less than ten minutes carnage 



The Alta-Plain of Bogota 85 

and harness were in ruins, the horse was lying on his 
back in a deep ravine, and I was very much in need of 
repairs ! These little mountain ponies make the best of 
roadsters under the saddle, but do not take kindly to 
harness. 

The population of the plain has been variously esti- 
mated at from 250,000 to 300,000. The truth is, nobody 
knows just what it is; there has never been a reliable 
census, and there are little data for an intelligent conjec- 
ture. There are a great many people of pure Caucasian 
origin ; but the masses are, for the most part, mixed 
descendants of Indians and whites. And here, as else- 
where in South America, a man of pure Spanish origin 
is seldom, if ever, a farm laborer. This class of work is 
done by Indians, zambos, and mestizos. The proprie- 
tors of these fertile farms usually lease their lands to re- 
sponsible tenants, and live in the cities. A few reside 
permanently on their country estates, others only during 
the dry season in December and January. There are 
no small landed proprietors. The soil of this superb 
valley is owned by a fortunate few. And yet the in- 
vestment rarely pays over two and a half per cent, while 
the current bank rates of interest are from eight to 
twelve. This anomalous state of affairs is easily ac- 
counted for when it is remembered that rich lands near 
the national capital offer about the only safe investment 
in a country where local and general " revolutions " are 
so frequent, and where the large cities afford about the 
only educational and social advantages. Hence the 
price of farm lands near the city ranges all the way from 
one to three hundred dollars per acre, and can rarely 
be had at these prices. 

Bituminous coal, of good quality and in apparently 
inexhaustible quantities, is found in the foot-hills and 
mountain-sides all around the plateau, and the richest 



86 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

iron ores abound within easy distance. But neither 
coal nor iron deposits have been hitherto much disturbed 
by man. The inhabitants continue to use charcoal, and 
to import their iron from abroad, as did their ancestors 
of two hundred years ago. Petroleum of excellent 
quality is known to exist near the surface, within a few 
leagues of the national capital ; yet petroleum for do- 
mestic use is imported from the United States at an 
aggregate cost of from one and a half to two dollars per 
gallon, and has been known to sell as high as three. 
Those who cannot afford lights at these prices — and of 
course the majority cannot — continue to use tallow 
" dips," just as did their colonial ancestors. 

Most persons who know anything of the country have 
heard of the celebrated salt mines of Zipaquera. They 
are situated near the outskirts of the little city of that 
name, at the foot of the sierra some thirty miles north 
of the national capital. It is said that these mines were 
known to the aborigines, and were successfully worked 
by them centuries before the Spanish conquest. They 
are now the property of the government, which derives 
a handsome revenue from them. The main deposits are 
near the surface of a cone-shaped hill, or rather moun- 
tain, near the great sierra. Indeed, the entire hill 
seems to be a mass of solid salt rock, which extends to 
unknown depths below the surface. The main shaft 
enters the hillside a few feet above its base, and then 
branches off in different directions, the roof, floor, and 
sides being one solid mass of salt rock. As quarried from 
the mine, this rock looks very much like our gray gran- 
ite, and contains about eighty per cent of pure salt. 
The salt is obtained by crushing the stone, and then 
boiling it down in large caldrons, and crystallizing it in 
the usual manner. It is then compressed by means of 
hydraulic machinery into cylinders weighing about 



The Alta-Plain of Bogota 87 

twenty-five pounds each, so as to be transportable by 
pack mules. This is the salt of commerce. 1 The com- 
mon people seldom use it in this form, but buy it in the 
crude state as it is taken from the mines. 

At the time of the Spanish conquest, this great plateau, 
as also the entire territory of what is now known as the 
department of Cundinamarca, was inhabited by the 
Chibcha Indians, — probably the most civilized of all the 
native races of America, if we except those of Peru, 
Guatemala, and Mexico. They were a bright copper- 
colored people, short in stature, but broad-chested, with 
large, well-shaped heads, straight black hair, dark brown 
eyes, small, straight noses, and somewhat delicate and 
well-shaped hands and feet. Docile and peace-loving, 
they were devoted to agriculture and the small arts ; 
and their form of government bore some analogies to 
the present civil government of China. It was essen- 
tially patriarchal in form, and although despotic, very 
sensitive to public opinion. It consisted of an Em- 
peror, whose office, however, was not necessarily hered- 
itary ; and he might be peaceably deposed for violations 
of traditional precepts, or for incapacity to govern 
wisely. There were a number of subordinate princes, 
or caciques, corresponding to the provincial governors- 
general or viceroys of the Chinese Empire ; and these, 
with the elders or " head men " of the districts and 
townships, constituted a sort of advisory board corre- 
sponding to the great Council at Pekin. 

Their religion also presented some analogies to that 
of the Chinese Buddhists. It inculcated the belief in 
the transmigration of souls, the ultimate goal being a 
state of perfect passivity or rest; and among the sacred 

1 The average yield from these salt mines is about 22,000 tons annu- 
ally, worth about $850,000, which pays a net profit to the government of 
about 65 per cent. 



88 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

images exhumed from their ancient burial-grounds is 
one that is the exact counterpart of the Chinese-Buddhist 
god of silence or " wisdom." In form and artistic de- 
sign the two images are almost identical ; the only real 
difference being that the Chibcha image was made of 
burnt clay, while that of the Chinaman is usually made of 
wood, or stone, or brass. It is not improbable that both 
conveyed the same meaning to the votaries on opposite 
sides of the earth, although the two peoples were not 
aware of each other's existence. In the Chibcha my- 
thology, too, the traditional Spirit of Evil was repre- 
sented by a character corresponding to the Greek 
Ducalaine, the Hebrew Satan, and to a similar character 
in the ancient Chinese mythology. Their " god of the 
fields " or of agriculture was almost identical in general 
attributes with the Chinese " god of the harvests"; and 
their Chibchacum, or divine prophet and mediator, bears 
a most striking analogy to the mythical Foh-he of the 
ancient Chinese. 

It was a tradition among the Chibchas that this entire 
plateau was once a vast lake of fresh water ; and to this 
has been attributed the origin of their flood myth. It is 
very well known, however, that other aboriginal tribes 
in different parts of the continent had their flood myths. 
Indeed it seems to have been common to all of them ; 
and similar myths prevail the world over. The fact, 
therefore, that geologists who have studied the peculiar 
conformation and environments of the great savannah 
of Bogota, believe it to have been the bottom of a great 
lake at sometime in the remote past, will hardly account 
for the origin of the Chibchan flood myth. 



CHAPTER VIII 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 



I 



""^HE manners and customs of a proud and sensi- 
tive people constitute a very delicate subject to 
touch upon, especially when one has enjoyed 
their hospitality and spent many happy days among 
them ; and for this reason, the present chapter, as also 
some portions of others, might have been omitted had 
the writer been less conscious of a genuine sympathy 
and friendship for the Colombian people, or if he had 
had less confidence in their good sense. For he flatters 
himself that they know him too well, and have had too 
many evidences of his friendship to believe him capable 
of depreciating them, or of intentionally wounding their 
delicate sensibilities. 

Oftener than otherwise, when peoples of diverse origin 
and language are not close friends, it is only because 
they do not really know each other ; in which case all 
secret aversions, should there be any, readily disappear 
when they become better acquainted. The mere differ- 
ence in language is a barrier to close and confidential 
friendships, especially between rural peoples of limited 
education, since their habits of thought and life are apt 
to be mutually misunderstood. 

And this, I regret to say, has been too often the case 
between our Trans-Caribbean neighbors and ourselves. 
The average Anglo-American, knowing little or nothing 
of the idiom of his Latin neighbor, and judging only by 



90 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

appearances, is apt to consider him shallow, fickle, vain, 
and ostentatious ; given to extravagance in speech, 
habitually insincere, and generally untruthful and unre- 
liable. On the other hand, and for the same reasons, 
the Latin-American is apt to look upon his northern 
neighbor as a cold, selfish, calculating, aggressive, 
brusque, disrespectful, and domineering specimen of 
humanity, whose only God is Mammon, and whose only 
standard of social excellence is the almighty dollar. 

Of course both estimates are erroneous, for exceptions 
should never be mistaken for the rule ; and yet both 
contain just enough of the soul of truth to make the 
error plausible and persistent. Thus, for instance, what 
we consider excessive formality, our Latin neighbors re- 
gard as only natural and proper; what we regard as 
stilted superfluities of speech, they consider ornamental ; 
what we mistake in them for evasiveness and insincerity, 
they know as courtesy and deference ; what we boast of 
as candor and independence, often looks to them like 
discourtesy and ill-manners. A closer acquaintance 
with each other would correct these mutual misconcep- 
tions and make us better friends ; and I venture to add 
that the manners of both would be improved if each 
would consent to learn something from the other. 

The average Bogotano is not without his full share of 
self-consciousness and small vanities ; perhaps he has a 
trifle more than his share of these qualities. He sacri- 
fices much to mere formality and external appearances. 
He is apt to be over-anxious to please ; and in his 
efforts to be agreeable he will sometimes say things 
which cannot be accepted literally. The fact is, he does 
not always expect his words to be taken literally, and 
therefore has no intention to deceive or mislead. As a 
business man, he is inclined to be over-sanguine, and 
therefore liable to make promises or enter into engage- 



Manners and Customs 91 

ments which he subsequently finds inconvenient to fulfil 
or difficult to comply with ; and in either case he ex- 
pects you to be considerate, patient, and accommodat- 
ing. If you will try to enter into his feelings, humor 
his moods, exercise a little patience and forbearance, 
and, above all, let him feel that you are trusting implic- 
itly to his sense of " honor," he will generally manage 
somehow (though generally after some delay) to keep 
his word and fully discharge his pecuniary obligations. 

In social life he is always courteous, considerate, and 
agreeable; though you may sometimes think him a 
little gushing and extravagant both in language and 
manner. You visit his home, for instance, and are pre- 
sented to his family; he at once places it and them " at 
your disposition." You admire some rare old book 
or work of art; he at once offers to give it to you. 
You know very well that he does not quite mean all 
this ; but neither do you, my dear sir or madam, mean 
quite all you say, when you as'k some troublesome bore 
of a visitor to " sit longer " or to " come again soon " ! 
The Bogotano's traditional forms of speech may look a 
little odd to us when seen in cold type ; as, for instance, 
when he addresses you as his " most affectionate god- 
father," or when he closes an ordinary business letter by 
offering to " kiss your hand ; " and you think him a little 
extravagant, if not a trifle presumptuous, when, on being 
presented to Madame, he tells her he is ready to " kiss 
her feet." But these are merely stock phrases which 
mean nothing; nor do they appear so very extrava- 
gant or out of place when spoken in his own courtly 
idiom. Then again, you think him a little odd in his 
use of nouns and pronouns ; for you do not quite un- 
derstand why his equivalent of our feminine noun 
" Mary " {Maria) should be applied indiscriminately to 
both sexes. You are apt to think him irreverent and 



92 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

profane when he applies the name of the Deity to one 
of the principal streets of his town or city, or when he 
calls his son or daughter, or his servant by the sacred 
name of " Jesus." 1 His schools, colleges, and public 
hospital buildings are collections of " Holy Ghosts," 2 
" Holy Saviours," 3 " Holy Trinities," 4 " Jesus Josephs," 5 
" Joseph Jesuses," " Jesus Marys," and " Mary Jesuses." 6 
But these terms sound very differently in his own native 
idiom ; and as he uses them, they do not seem irrever- 
ent or profane at all, but merely commonplace and 
appropriate. Besides, not to put too fine a point on it, 
as Dickens would say, what do we Anglo-Americans 
mean by the application of such terms as " Our Father," 
" Trinity," " Sacred Heart," " Bleeding Heart," " Christ's 
Church," etc., to huge piles of stone and brick-and 
mortar ? 7 

The language of the common people, though some- 
times crude and ungrammatical, is always civil and 
often courtly. We are apt to think them evasive and 

1 Pronounced Hay-soos. 2 Espiritu Santo. 

3 Santisimo Salvador. 4 Santisimo Trinidad. 

5 Jose Jesus. 6 Hay-soos Maria, or Maria Hay-soos. 

7 The idiosyncrasies of a people are generally revealed in their forms 
of speech, but more particularly in the class of proper names common 
among them. Thus the old Puritans of England would admit of but 
two classes of names, — those adopted from the Scriptures, and those 
expressive of religious sentiment. In France, at the time of the first 
Revolution, all names supposed to savor of either loyalty or religion 
were abandoned, and those of Greek and Roman heroes were adopted 
instead. The early Greek names were generally expressive of some 
quality, — as Callimachus (" Excellent Fighter "), Pherecrates (" Strength 
Bringer "), Sophron (" The Wise "), etc., etc. The early Roman names 
were more generally derived from ordinary employments and advoca- 
tions, — such as Cicero (Provender-grower), Porcius (Swineherd), Naso 
(Long-nosed), Crassus (The Fat), etc. English and Anglo-American 
surnames are often derived from office, occupation, condition, farms, 
homesteads, and natural features of the country ; hence, we have 
Marshall, Knight, Page, Smith, Shepherd, Marsh, Wood, Dale, Anash 
(At the Ash), Nash, and so on. 



Manners and Customs 93 

untruthful, for even the best Spanish is somewhat or- 
nate, flexible, and ambiguous, as compared to our plain 
English. In Spanish, there are not only a variety of 
ways of saying the same thing, but many ways of say- 
ing what may mean almost anything or nothing, ac- 
cording as you may construe it. Even the unlettered 
peon is a natural dialectician. He is never at a loss for 
a word, and often seems to sacrifice sense to mere 
euphony. His words and phrases fall naturally into 
rhythm, and he seems to be unconscious that he is 
addressing you in stanzas. One day, when riding 
through an out-of-the-way place, I came to what seemed 
the end of the narrow lane. There was a closed 
gate in front, and a high adobe fence on each side. 
Just over the fence was a little straw-covered mud-hut, 
in front of which stood a bushy-headed, half-clad In- 
dian child, probably not over six years old. When 
asked her name and where she lived, she readily replied 
in a five-line stanza, which I translate as follows : — 

" They call me little Maggie ; 
I live in yonder little cot, 
With my dear little Mammie 
And another little woman 
Whom they call little Pearl." x 

" The little Pearl " in this case turned out to be a 
great, broad-shouldered, greasy-looking wench of some 
200 pounds, with dirty, copper-colored skin, unkempt 
jetty-black hair, whose body was quite as broad as it 
was long, and who, to judge from appearances, had 
never had a bath ! 

1 Me se llama Margarita ; 
Vivo en aquel casita, 
Con mi mamita 
Y con otro mujercita 
Que se llama Perlita. 



94 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

The average Colombian has very little conception of 
what we mean by the terms promptness and punctual- 
ity. He takes little note of time, and does everything 
leisurely. He does not like to do to-day what may be 
put off till to-morrow; and if he agrees to meet you 
at a given hour, he cannot quite understand why you 
should feel annoyed or disappointed if he is an hour or 
so late. If he owes you a note or an acceptance due 
on a fixed day, he cannot see the necessity of paying it 
on the very day of maturity; he thinks a day or so 
afterwards will answer quite as well. He does not 
mean to cause you inconvenience, least of all to forfeit 
his promise ; he simply cannot see the necessity for 
such exactness as to time. If you will accommodate 
yourself to his business methods, give him reasonable 
time, and do not become impatient and try to hurry or 
bully him, ten chances to one he will pay the last 
farthing. 

The Colombian of pure Castilian descent is rarely a 
mechanic or an artisan, and perhaps never a common 
laborer. This, however, is not because he is constitu- 
tionally lazy and indolent, for the hot Spanish blood is 
seldom sluggish or inactive. The true reason of his 
strange, unconquerable aversion to manual labor is that 
he considers it degrading, and therefore beneath his 
station as a " gentleman." His pride is phenomenal, 
and runs into strange freaks. He is not ashamed to 
ask and accept alms, for that, according to his way of 
thinking, is merely an evidence of some misfortune ; 
whereas he would feel humiliated were you to offer him 
service as a laborer, since to accept that would be to 
forfeit his position as a " gentleman." With him, there 
is no such thing as " dignity of labor," and the gulf 
between gentility and honest toil is wide and impassable. 
You simply waste time in trying to argue him out of 



Manners and Customs 95 

this absurd notion; he will not even be seen carrying a 
small bundle through the streets. Refuse him pecuniary- 
assistance if you will, but do it courteously and as an 
equal ; and if you value his good opinion never suggest 
that he should go to ploughing or hoeing for a living. 
Ostensibly, he is seldom a mendicant ; he usually frames 
his petition in the form of a courteous request for a 
small "loan," which of course he never expects to pay. 
In all probability he would not ask for it if he thought 
you expected him to return it, or if he really thought 
you were unable to lose it, or would ever afterwards 
remind him of it. But if by some unforeseen turn of 
fortune's wheel, your relative positions should become 
reversed, he will quite as readily advance you a " loan " 
as he now solicits one. " Once a gentleman always a 
gentleman " seems to be his motto ; for no matter how 
reduced in circumstances, his associates never cut his 
acquaintance, nor address him other than as " Senor." 

The Bogotano is nothing if not scrupulously polite 
and formal both in speech and manner. He never 
thinks of saluting you in the street without removing 
his hat, or of leaving you without asking "your per- 
mission." Even among the middle and lower classes, 
there is always the most perfect courtesy and deference. 
There are no boisterous or hurried salutations, no scarce 
perceptible nod of the head with a swinish grunt for 
" Good-morning." If he feels secure in his social posi- 
tion, he never waits for a lady acquaintance to speak 
first when he happens to meet her in the street. He 
will lift his hat and even speak to her before being for- 
mally introduced, provided he knows who she is ; and 
she, so far from taking offence, rarely fails to return his 
salutation. But if she is not married, and he is a bach- 
elor or a widower, they cannot see each other alone, 
even in her own parlor. Her mother or elder married 



96 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sister, or her aunt, or her duena, or some member of 
the family must be constantly present. Such is the 
unwritten law of social ethics in the Colombian capital, 
and the belle who dares to violate it loses caste. But 
she may talk and flirt with a male acquaintance to her 
heart's content if her mother happens to be present, or 
if there happens to be an iron-grated window between 
them. 

Every man of local prominence is sure to be a " doc- 
tor," 1 if he is not a " general ; " the first is usually a 
politician, the last a military leader by brevet or out of 
commission. There are no brevet " colonels " and 
"judges," as with us; but all pedagogues are "pro- 
fessors," and every man out of alpargattes and rauanas 2 
is a " Senor." In compensation for this bit of extrava- 
gance, ward politicians and aldermen are never " Hons. " ; 
blacksmiths and butchers are never "Esqs."; and there 
are no " lady cooks " ! 

No matter what may be his financial condition, the 
average Bogotano somehow always manages to dress 
well. No matter how poorly he may live at home, he 
generally appears well in the streets. He has a horror 
of looking shabby. He will attend a funeral service in 
the forenoon in full evening dress, but is never seen, 
even at an informal evening reception or at a dinner, in 
a Prince Albert frock-coat and colored cravat. He 
must be in full evening dress. He rarely appears in 
the streets without gloves, and never without his black 
plug hat. In damp weather he is inseparable from his 
black silk umbrella, and in dry weather he is seldom 
without his gold-headed cane. The street and church 

1 /. e. Doctor of Laws. 

2 Alpargattes are sandals made of hemp ; a ranana is a blanket with a 
hole. cut in the middle. Both are worn in the streets by common people 
only. 



Manners and Customs 97 

dress of the ladies is always black ; at balls and parties 
they wear the latest Parisian styles. No lady will be 
seen under a hat or bonnet at church, and it is only 
within the last few years that a lady is ever seen wearing 
a bonnet in the street. She adheres rigidly to the tradi- 
tional black-lace mantilla, which she adjusts over her 
head and shoulders in a most bewitching manner; but, 
unlike her husband or brother, she ignores gloves 
entirely. 

The peon class of both sexes wear straw hats and 
alpargattes, but seldom trouble themselves with socks 
or stockings. They will wash their feet on Sundays 
and feast days, when they wish to put on a new pair of 
sandals, but seldom otherwise. The house servants 
usually dress better, though in the same style of gar- 
ments. You may coax your butler or man-servant to 
appear in the. dining-room or at the front door in 
swallow-tail coat, white cravat, and patent-leather shoes ; 
but on no account will he venture thus attired into the 
street; for when he goes out he must have on the 
rauana, straw hat, and alpargattes of his class. 

The ecclesiastics dress very much as did their class 
two and three centuries ago. They have recently, how- 
ever, abandoned the enormous hat with great brim rolled 
up into a small scroll at the sides, and have adopted in- 
stead the more convenient shovel hat of modern times. 
But they still adhere rigidly to the long priestly black 
gown, low quartered shoes, black silk stockings, and 
silver buckles. 

The parish priest is an important factor in society at 
the capital. No social gathering is thought to be quite 
complete without him. He generally makes it a point 
to accept all invitations, but he always goes in his 
priestly garb. He is usually an agreeable guest, and 
although he will not dance himself, he seems to enjoy 



98 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

seeing others dance ; and being a person of great social 
influence, young fellows who wish to get along well 
with elderly ladies who have marriageable daughters 
are generally careful not to displease him. 

The Bogotanos have a Christian Sunday, but no 
" Holy Sabbath." Their is nothing puritanical in their 
religious make-up. Sunday is observed more as a 
Church festival and day of cheerful recreation than as a 
day of religious penance and torture. The forenoon is 
devoted to religious service, the afternoon to outings, 
games, and social enjoyment. There is early mass at 
six o'clock in the morning, high mass at nine and ten, 
vespers at four, and sometimes there is a short sermon. 
The balance of the day is devoted to worldly pleasure. 
It is a favorite occasion for paying and receiving formal 
calls, for attending the theatre, and for balls, ban- 
quets, and social reunions. Among the common peo- 
ple Sunday afternoon is a favorite occasion for sports, 
such as cock-fights, bull-fights, horse racing, and gamb- 
ling; and there is perhaps more drinking and general 
dissipation amongst the lower classes on that day than 
on any other. 

All this seems very odd to Anglo-Americans, and, to 
be quite frank, we could wish it different. Drinking 
and gaming and dissipation are bad enough at all 
times, but they seem worse on a day which the Chris- 
tian world has tacitly set apart for religious instruction, 
rest, and pious meditation. Erroneous and pharisaical 
as some of our traditional conceptions and observances 
of the Sunday undoubtedly are, we would not willingly 
see them exchanged for those which prevail amongst 
our Latin-American neighbors. 

At the same time, in any consideration of " the 
Sunday question" we should keep in mind the fact that 
the old Jewish Sabbath of the Bible is not the Christian 



Manners and Customs 99 

Sunday of the orthodox Church. It was not the first, 
but the seventh day of our week which the Pharisee sect 
held sacred. " Remember the Sabbath day to keep it 
holy " was not written of Sunday, but of Saturday. 
Moreover, the injunction was not addressed to Chris- 
tians, but to Jews. 

Just when or by what authority the early Christians 
began the observance of the first day of the week as a 
religions duty is not quite clear. Neither in the New 
Testament nor in the writings of the Church Fathers do 
we find anything very satisfactory on this point. We 
know, however, that, up to the beginning of the fourth 
century, Christians never attempted to transfer to our 
Sunday the obligations incident to the old Jewish Sab- 
bath. Nor did they attach any special sacredness to 
either. If they observed the first day of the week 
as a time for assemblage, meditation, and religious 
exercises, they did not pretend to ground their action 
upon any injunction of the Mosaic law; nor upon any 
precept or example of Christ and his Apostles ; nor 
yet upon any pre-Mosaic " Sunday law," promulgated 
at " the beginning " and in force after the Advent. 
Even if such a law ever existed the attention of the 
Gentile world was never once directed to it by the 
great Apostle ; hence the inference that Saint Paul was 
either ignorant of it or regarded it as inapplicable to 
Christian believers. Indeed, his express declaration of 
their entire freedom from " the observance of days," 
etc., was so general as to apply to all laws and usages 
on the subject. 

How came it about, then, it may be asked, that the 
early Christians were accustomed to assemble them- 
selves together on Sunday? The question cannot be 
satisfactorily answered. If the custom originated in 
Apostolic precept, there is no record of it. If it origi- 

LolC. 



ioo Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

nated in Apostolic example, there is nothing in the New 
Testament to raise a reasonable presumption that the 
act of meeting on the first day of the week was 
prompted by some positive command, the record of 
which may have been lost. The probabilities are that 
the custom originated either in mere convenience or 
through fear of the local civic authorities or both ; for 
during the first two centuries the Christians were a 
despised and persecuted sect, and had to meet in secret 
for religious exercises. Under such circumstances they 
would naturally select private houses or out-of-the-way 
places on certain days set apart for that purpose. They 
would very naturally select some day other than the 
Jewish Sabbath, the profanation of which was one of the 
offences alleged against the Master. And it was equally 
natural that they should select the first day of the week 
which, according to tradition, was the day on which the 
Resurrection occurred. 

Be this as it may, the inference derived from what 
little is known of the origin of the custom is that, except 
during the time of actual meeting and worship, the 
early Christians deemed it right and proper to follow 
their ordinary avocations on Sunday. It was not until 
after the union of Church and State under Constantine, 
early in the fourth century, that an edict directed " all 
judges, all inhabitants of cities, and all artificers " to 
" rest on the venerable Sunday " ; and even that did not 
prohibit rural peoples and husbandmen from laboring 
or attending to their ordinary affairs on Sunday. It 
was not until the middle of the sixth century that agri- 
cultural labor was prohibited ; nor until near the close 
of the ninth, that Sunday was practically substituted for 
the old Jewish Sabbath, as a " holy day." It was the 
old English Puritans of the seventeenth century who, 
miscalling Sunday "the Sabbath," consigned men to 



Manners and Customs 101 

everlasting torment in the next world for a rational 
enjoyment of the day. 

But this is a digression. In Bogota nearly every one 
smokes tobacco ; all can afford this luxury where native 
cigars are sold at from one to eight cents apiece ; but 
you never see any tobacco pipes or snuff-boxes, and 
there are no tobacco chewers. The paper cigarette 
habit is well-nigh universal ; even the ladies in fashion- 
able circles are more or less addicted to it. They will 
not smoke in public or on the streets, as the gentlemen 
do, but privately and in their homes. Still you do some- 
times see ladies of good repute and high social position 
standing on the balcony of their parlor windows, daintily 
puffing away at a paper cigarette after dinner. It looks 
a little odd at first, but we soon become accustomed to 
it and think nothing of it. After all, when we come to 
think about it, it is not much worse than inhaling pul- 
verized tobacco, and it is certainly less filthy than 
" snuff-dipping." 

Most of the educated classes have, or think they have, 
the " literary faculty." They are particularly fond of 
writing what they call " poetry," and of making post- 
prandial speeches. The average collegian will write 
poetry by the yard or speak impromptu by the hour. 
He never shows the least embarrassment before an 
audience, and is rarely at a loss for a word. The adjec- 
tives and adverbs flow in sluices of unbroken rhythm, and 
the supply of euphonious words and hyperbolic phrases 
seems inexhaustible. He always gesticulates vehe- 
mently, and somehow it seems to become him well ; for, 
no matter how little there may be in what he says, some- 
body is sure to applaud and encourage him. 

The masses are not readers, and the common people 
never bother with theological creeds or political plat- 
forms. In matters of religion, they accept the doctrines of 



102 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the Church without question ; in politics, they vote as 
they are directed by their party leaders or " bosses." 
Such a thing as an independent newspaper, conducted on 
business principles, is quite unknown ; and the partisan 
" organs " contain little beyond wordy and diffuse com- 
munications, two and three column editorials, and a few 
local advertisements. The literary and family journal is 
chiefly remarkable for its long " poems " and for the re- 
production, in serial form, of some late French novel 
translated into the Spanish language. 

There is probably no city on the continent where the 
external forms of religion are more rigidly observed. 
The Church festivals are frequent and gorgeous, and are 
generally participated in by all classes and conditions of 
society. It is seldom that a whole week passes without 
a public demonstration in honor of some mediaeval saint, 
or in commemoration of some event in ecclesiastical 
history. On such occasions all business is practically 
suspended. Banks and stores and shops are all closed ; 
private dwellings are gorgeously decorated with emblems 
and banners ; triumphal arches, decorated with ever- 
greens and flowers, span the highways ; and many of 
the streets and plazas are strewn with rose leaves. 
Everybody is out in holiday attire prepared to get as 
much enjoyment out of the day as possible. During 
high mass, at nine in the morning, the streets and plaza 
about the cathedral are crowded with eager and expect- 
ant humanity. Presently the great bell is struck ; then 
gentlemen remove their hats and stand in silence ; the 
common people are all down on their knees. Now the 
Holy Host is being raised by the officiating priests in- 
side the building; not a word is spoken, not a foot is 
moved by the immense throng outside, — the stillness is 
almost oppressive. Anon there is a single stroke of the 
great bell ; the Host is being lowered ; gentlemen may 



Manners and Customs 103 

now put on their hats and resume conversation ; the 
populace rise from their kneeling posture ; and the 
throng is again in a buzz of pleasurable excitement. 

Very soon the Holy Procession begins to form pre- 
paratory to a march through the streets. First to 
emerge are a few subordinate officers of the Church, 
each gaudily attired and bearing a lighted taper. Then 
follow the holy images, borne on great platforms sup- 
ported on the shoulders of lusty peones. The mitred 
priests, in sacerdotal robes, come next. Behind these 
are boys in white surplices, swinging smoking censers. 
Then follow others bearing banners and crosses. Be- 
hind these last come a company of gentlemen in full 
evening dress, each bearing a lighted taper. Then the 
rabble fall into line. Once fairly out into the street, the 
procession is headed by a company of horsemen gaudily 
dressed in military costume. A band of music follows 
immediately in their rear. Slowly and solemnly the 
gorgeous pageant proceeds through the flower-strewn 
street to a great cathedral on the opposite side of the 
city. The sacred images are there carried inside. All 
the bells in the city now seem to be ringing at once, and 
the clatter and din are almost deafening. Suddenly the 
bells stop ringing ; the silence is profound ; the immense 
throng outside reverently uncover their heads. Another 
mass, another swelling chorus, the great bell sounds, the 
benediction is being said ; and now streams of laughing, 
light-hearted people come pouring out at a dozen doors. 
The solemn functions are over, and every one is at lib- 
erty to spend the remainder of the day as he pleases. 



/ 



CHAPTER IX 

THE RACE PROBLEM IN AMERICA 

LA VERY, or property in man, has existed from 
time immemorial, and at some time or other, 
and in some form or other, it has had the ex- 
press or implied sanction of every government on earth. 
It was a recognized institution among the ancient He- 
brews. It existed in Greece and Rome, and throughout 
the civilized world, prior to the Christian era. And it 
continued to exist in many of the Christian states till 
the middle of the present century; for Christianity did 
not do away with slavery, but tended merely to amelio- 
rate the condition of the slave. It existed among the 
aboriginees of this continent at the time of its discovery 
by Europeans, and can hardly be said to be extinct to- 
day among certain savage tribes of the Southern hemi- 
sphere. In Africa, it is as old as the country itself; and 
it still exists there among the native tribes. There has 
never been a time when it was not a recognized institu- 
tion in eastern Asia; and it still prevails, in a mild 
form, in each of the eighteen provinces of the Chinese 
Empire. 

But negro slavery of modern times was reserved as a 
sequel to the discovery and settlement of the Americas 
by Christian Europe; and for more than three whole 
centuries the African slave-trade was participated in by 
nearly all the great commercial and maritime powers of 
the world. As early as the beginning of the sixteenth 



The Race Problem in America 105 

century, the natives of Hispaniola (now known as 
Hayti) had been reduced to a condition of the most 
abject servitude by the Spanish conquerors ; and by the 
close of that century a similar fate had overtaken the 
Indians of Central and South America. The importa- 
tion of African slaves began in 1501, just nine years 
after Columbus first landed at San Salvador, and it con- 
tinued, with the implied sanction of the civilized world, 
up to 1807. 

At first this inhuman traffic was without any express 
legal sanction. It needed none. Moral criterions, like 
the external forms of religion, never rise higher than 
the prevailing standard of intellectual development; and 
what public sentiment fails to condemn, needs not the 
sanction of a written law. There was a time, for in- 
stance, when the most enlightened nations of the world, 
including the one through which we derived our present 
form of religion, not only murdered all prisoners taken 
in battle, but massacred all non-combatants, including 
women and children. As the standard of intellectual 
development (or " civilization," as we call it) advanced, 
captives and non-combatants were not slain, but reduced 
to servitude. Later on, when civilization had advanced 
a step further, prisoners of war were ransomed by the 
payment of money, and thence is traced the origin 
of human slavery. 

But in the process of time the morality of the African 
slave-trade began to be questioned ; and then, for the 
first time, the traffic needed some express legal sanction. 
And, strange to say, this was first given by a Christian 
prince at the instance of a Christian priest ! I allude, 
of course, to the action of the King of Spain as influ- 
enced thereto by the good Bartolome Las Casas, Bishop 
of Chespa. Las Casas was not a mere abstractionist; 
he was not a visionary and impractical dreamer; and he 



io6 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

was something more than a secular prelate. He was 
probably a Christian at heart as well as in profession. 
At any rate, he was a man of kind and humane impulses, 
and his long life of usefulness exemplified many of 
the higher Christian virtues. Yet his biographers and 
apologists seem to have overlooked or ignored the fact 
that he was essentially a one-sided man, incapable of 
considering more than one view of any given question 
at a time. His mind ran in grooves ; and, as usual in 
such cases, he was something of a fanatic. He probably 
deprecated slavery in all its forms ; but his immediate 
purpose was the amelioration of the hard lot of the 
Indian, and all his efforts seem to have been directed to 
that one object. Nor was he at all times over-particular 
in the choice of means to ends. Too politic to attempt 
the inexpedient, too much of the courtier to sacrifice 
position and influence to private opinion, he was not the 
stuff of which martyrs are made. So, in order to lighten 
the burden of the overtasked Indian slave in the mines 
of Hispaniola, and at the same time keep in favor with 
a corrupt and avaricious court, he recommended the 
substitution of the more hardy and robust African negro. 
He thus became the first apologist and advocate of the 
African slave-trade ; and the Spanish monarch, whose 
dull conscience had been quieted by ecclesiastical 
authority, readily adopted the suggestion and gave to 
this nefarious traffic its first legal sanction. 

The example was soon followed by other and less 
powerful nations. Even England sanctioned the Afri- 
can slave-trade for more than two whole centuries. The 
Stuarts granted charters of incorporation to joint-stock 
companies endowed with the exclusive privilege of 
trading in negro slaves. These companies were en- 
couraged and sustained by the power and patronage of 
the British government, not only for the purpose of 



The Race Problem in America 107 

supplying the North American plantations with slaves, 
but for the sake of the profits arising from the trade in 
the Spanish, French, and Dutch colonies as well. Very- 
soon the traffic became the subject of diplomatic action, 
and was either tacitly or expressly sanctioned by public 
treaties. Thus, by the treaty of Utrecht, in 171 3, Great 
Britain was granted the exclusive privilege of importing 
African slaves into " the dominions of His Most Catholic 
Majesty" of Spain for a period of 30 years, — the only 
restriction being that " not exceeding 4,800 negroes " 
should be imported during any one year. 

Of course this was contrary to the spirit of the Eng- 
lish common law: but where and when have nations 
ever failed to find the means of evading the spirit of a 
law, when it happened to stand in the way of national 
ambition or avarice? Besides, these kidnapped Afri- 
cans were not intended for the market in England, but 
only for her outlying colonies and dependencies ; and 
this was thought to be such a distinction as ought to 
quiet the average British conscience. 

The final outcome was the peopling of the West 
Indies, the colonies of North America, and the coasts 
and valleys of Colombia and Venezuela, with hordes of 
African slaves; and the ultimate result of that has been, 
in Central and South America, a mongrel race impos- 
sible of ethnologic classification. Baron Humboldt has 
indeed attempted a classification; but, although gener- 
ally adopted by all subsequent writers, it is manifestly 
defective. Thus he tells us that " the whites of pure 
blood," found in those countries, " are the descend- 
ants of Europeans ; " that the so-called Indians " are 
descendants of the native copper-colored race; " that 
" the negroes are descendants of slaves imported from 
Africa; " that "the mulattoes, quadroons, and octoroons 
are the mixed descendants of whites and negroes ; " that 



108 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

" the mixed descendants of Indians and negroes are 
called zambos;" and that "the mixed descendants of 
Indians and whites are called mestizos." But how shall 
the complex mixture of all these varieties be classified ? 
He fails to give us a name for the conglomerate mix- 
ture of all these mixtures ; and this is precisely the 
nondescript compound which constitutes the majority 
in some parts of Spanish-America, and which seems to 
be " the coming race " on the Southern hemisphere. 

Of course the term " race " is here employed in its 
recently acquired sense, not in its strict technical mean- 
ing. Ethnologists tell us that all members of the 
human family are essentially identical in everything 
that distinguishes man from the other mammals ; and 
that " whilst the individuals at the extreme divergence 
in one race of men are as unlike as the wolf and the 
lapdog, yet each variety shades down so imperceptibly 
into the next that it is difficult to draw the line where 
a race begins or ends." In other words, the human 
species, no matter where or under what conditions 
found, never differ in kind ; they differ only in degree. 
There are almost infinite varieties, but only a single 
species. The plain implication is, that the word 
" race " is little more than a subjective term, and 
applies to the opinion of the investigator rather than 
to the object of investigation ; and, no matter what 
that opinion may be, we shall never be able to get 
rid of the idea of the common brotherhood of man 
until some new species shall have been discovered. 

In Colombia, the whites of pure blood are found in 
nearly all parts of the Republic, but more generally on 
the tablelands and elevated plateaux of the interior. 
The civilized Indians of pure blood inhabit the coves 
and valleys of the Andes, and still constitute the mass 
of the rural population. They are a remarkably docile 



The Race Problem in America 109 

and peace-loving people, — generally small agricultur- 
alists, market-men, or farm laborers. They are simple- 
minded, superstitious, reticent, evasive, and untruthful ; 
but they are seldom thieves, and never highway robbers. 
They are naturally civil, kind-hearted, and hospitable; 
but it would be surprising if, after centuries of such 
experiences as they have had, they were not habitually 
suspicious of strangers. 

The negroes of pure blood are most numerous on 
the coasts and in the hot and malarious valleys of the 
great rivers. Sometimes they are small merchants and 
traders ; sometimes they are carpenters, masons, and 
contractors ; some of them are small politicians ; a few 
are small agriculturalists ; but the majority of them lead 
idle and aimless lives, and are generally shiftless and 
improvident. Of the educated classes among them, too 
many are vagabond politicians or professional " revolu- 
tionists," with no thought of making a living other than 
by holding office under the government. 

The mestizos are most numerous in the towns and 
cities of the interior, where the middle classes among 
them are generally shop-keepers, mechanics, and arti- 
sans, the lower classes being domestics and day-labor- 
ers. Those of the educated classes are sometimes 
successful merchants and traders, but more generally 
lawyers, physicians, teachers, priests, and politicians. 
They readily intermarry with the whites ; for between 
the whites and Indians there are apparently no social 
barriers, and certainly none between the whites and 
the mixed descendants of Indians and whites. In fact, 
the average mestizo is apt to boast of his Indian an- 
cestry, and some of the most learned and influential 
men of the country are the sons or grandsons of Indian 
mothers. 

The mulattoes and quadroons are seen in most of the 



iio Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

large cities, especially on the coast and in the valleys 
of the great rivers. In the ordinal relations of life, 
they are never ostracised by either whites or blacks; 
yet it is manifest to any close observer that they are 
not popular with either. In fact, they seem to be 
secretly disliked by both, though there are never any 
overt manifestations of antipathy. The mulattoes espe- 
cially seem to be an unfortunate class to themselves ; 
generally ill-contented, restless, suspicious, and exact- 
ing, and manage to live somehow without doing much 
work. Of course there are honorable exceptions; I 
am now speaking of the rule. A few of them have 
attained to respectable positions in the learned pro- 
fessions, and a few are successful business-men in a 
small way. 

The zambos are not very high in the social scale. 
They are rarely men of affairs ; and, as a class, they 
are dissolute and idle. They have few of the virtues 
of either the negro or Indian, and often possess the 
worst vices of both. They are generally treacherous 
and quarrelsome, and for the most part live idle, im- 
moral, and shiftless lives. 

Here, then, we have three primal varieties, or " races," 
and four miscegenic combinations, making a total of 
seven in all, to say nothing of the conglomeration of 
all the seven in one, to which Humboldt failed to give 
a name. All these occupy a common country, speak 
the same language, and profess the same form of reli- 
gion. Yet there has never been anything like a race 
conflict among them ; for in none of the numerous 
civil wars of the country has the " color line " ever 
been drawn, and the words "white" and "colored" 
nowhere appear in any of the fundamental or statutory 
laws of the Republic. Since 1824, all have enjoyed 
equal civic and political privileges ; all have had equal 



The Race Problem in America i 1 1 

accommodations on the modes of public conveyance ; 
the hotels and places of amusement are open to all alike ; 
all attend the same schools, colleges, and churches. 

In explanation of this, it has been said that, since the 
independence of the country, no one race has ever been 
in the ascendant ; that slavery went down with mon- 
archic rule, when all class distinctions were obliterated ; 
and that even before this, the three primal races had 
already become too closely identified to leave much 
room for race prejudice. Very true. But how shall 
we explain the explanation? In other words, whence 
came the conditions precedent to this amalgamation? 
I apprehend that, if we go back far enough, the true 
explanation may be found in the policy and example 
of the Church, which has always been and is still the 
dominant power in the country. The Church has 
always been and is still the only real bond of union 
between these heterogeneous peoples; and never, either 
by precept or example, has the Church recognized any 
race distinctions. Even in the old colonial days, when 
the Indian and the negro were both slaves, and when 
class privileges were still preserved, white and colored, 
master and slave, were on terms of equality before the 
sacred altars of the Church. All mere social distinc- 
tions were left at the threshold of the chapel or the 
cathedral. Under such conditions, race prejudice would 
naturally be less conspicuous then in countries where 
diverse forms of religion afforded no such common 
bond of union. 

Then, does "social equality" really prevail in Colom- 
bia? I have been asked that question many times, and 
my uniform reply has been. No ! Social equality 
nowhere prevails, and it never can. It is an impossible 
condition in any country. It nowhere prevails even in 
homogeneous communities, and is less likely to be found 



1 1 2 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

in countries inhabited by mixed races. Even political 
equality is, as every one knows, little more than an 
abstraction. Throughout South America, indeed in all 
democratic countries, one hears a good deal of liberty, 
fraternity, and equality, and the words are supposed to 
embody the modern doctrine of the rightful supremacy 
of the numerical majority. But the only novelty 
presented by them is found in the much-abused term 
" equality " ; for liberty, even in its widest political 
sense, can never mean anything more than the ultimate 
extension of political power to the whole body of citi- 
zens, and surely this is not new. " Fraternity," or the 
common brotherhood of man, has been a commonplace 
sentiment for two thousand years. It is asserted as a 
theory, if not reduced to practice, wherever the Christian 
religion prevails. But the term " equality," as origi- 
nated in the craze of the first French Revolution, and as 
subsequently adopted by noisy demagogues on this 
continent, expresses a grotesque absurdity. Even the 
half crazy Jean Jacques Rousseau admitted the existence 
of inequalities in maturity, and he scarcely ventured to 
deny them in birth. He ascribed them mainly to edu- 
cation and environment, and these were unequal condi- 
tions which he admitted no political system could ever 
wholly change. The more philosophic and cautious 
reasoners of this school of politics, who maintain with 
Hobbs that " all men are equally men," and therefore 
have equal social and political privileges, have found it 
convenient to forget, or at least to ignore, the common 
experience that their premises are wrong ; for all men 
are not equally men in the sense here employed. 
Reason about it as we may, the stubborn fact remains 
that men do come into the world unequal in strength, 
virtue, and worth, and so continue during the whole 
period of their earthly existence. 



The Race Problem in America 1 1 3 

Equality of right, then, can practically mean no more 
than that each man has an equal right to what is right- 
fully his own; and " his own " is found only within his 
natural and proper sphere. Once out of that sphere, he 
is out of relation to society, and disorder ensues. The 
civil society of which he is a member becomes abnormal 
and discordant, and the only logical remedy consists 
in finding his place and keeping it. When we say that 
all men are born with equal powers and faculties, with 
equal influence in society, and with equal temperaments, 
properties, and advantages, we utter a manifest falsehood. 
It is something more than a falsehood; for no greater 
imposition upon the ignorance and credulity of the 
masses was ever perpetrated, and every man of intelli- 
gence can but secretly despise all such shallow tricks of 
the demagogue. In the Colombian capital, as in all 
the South American cities, one may see every shade 
of color and all degrees of social standards ; but in 
each there is always an inner social life, quite indepen- 
dent of the accidents of official position or the varying 
fortunes of political parties, where people claim and 
exercise the prerogative of freely choosing their own 
associates. 

In some of the West Indies, the condition of society 
brought about by this mixture of the white and colored 
races is truly deplorable. The Indian of pure descent 
has entirely disappeared. In some of the islands, the 
negro and his descendants seem to be the dominant 
race. We see mulattoes, quadroons, and octoroons on 
every hand, but few or no metizos and zambos. Gen- 
erally, you will see ten negroes to one white man of pure 
blood. To all intents and purposes, Hayti and San 
Domingo are negro states, miscalled republics, — for in 
reality they are little more than organized anarchies 
in which the white man and the mulatto are both objects 



1 14 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of aversion. Even in Jamaica, where order is main- 
tained by external force, a white family can seldom live 
in either peace or safety outside the cities; and sugar 
plantations, that were once very valuable, can now be 
bought at less than half their former price. In Bar- 
bados, the few white men who still remain, do so from 
necessity rather than choice. Even in Trinidad and 
British Guiana, order is preserved only by the strong 
arm of the British government. 

It is only in the states of Central and South America 
that the three primal races and their mixed descendants 
live in comparative harmony ; and it is only there that 
we witness the slow but steady process of amalgamation. 
What the final outcome may be, is still a matter of 
conjecture. The idea of amalgamation of the white and 
colored races is truly shocking; yet some believe, and 
others venture to hope, that decades hence the result 
may be a composite race, peculiar to climate and envi- 
ronment, homogeneous in character, and therefore 
better adapted to the task of self-government than their 
heterogeneous ancestors. 

These miscegenic communities became free states 
more than three quarters of a century ago, and the 
Indian and African slave and their mixed descendants 
became free citizens. In the epidemic of Utopian ideas, 
originating in the craze of the first French Revolution, 
they were invested with the right of the ballot before a 
majority of them were qualified to exercise it. The 
result was disorder and misgovernment. After a long 
series of experiments, more or less disastrous, there has 
been some improvement, some progress in civilization. 
It would be marvellous indeed if there had not been. 
For, if we accept, as we must, the great natural law of 
progressive development from lower to higher forms, 
we must conclude that these heterogeneous peoples 



The Race Problem in America 1 1 5 

will become ultimately homogeneous, and attain to the 
capacity for orderly self-government. But it is yet too 
soon to conjecture the probable advent of such a politi- 
cal millennium, or to venture an opinion as to the prob- 
able character of the new race that is now being 
evolved. 

With us of the United States the so-called " race 
problem " had a later origin, and it is somewhat less 
complex in character. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors 
sought no religious or other pretext to enslave the na- 
tive Indian. Indeed, if the truth must be owned, they 
seemed to care very little about him anyway. He 
might have been a member of the human family or he 
might not ; might have had an immortal soul or might 
not, — these were secondary considerations with those 
who claimed to be " the chosen of the Lord," and com- 
missioned by Him to " drive out the red Philistine " 
and possess themselves of his lands. Denied the privi- 
leges of either slave or citizen, and having few rights as 
an alien which the white man felt bound to respect, the 
native Indian was never incorporated into the new civ- 
ilization, and there was never any appreciable amalga- 
mation of the two races. It was simply an instance of 
" the survival of the fittest," that is to say, of the strong- 
est, such as is being constantly illustrated in the habits 
of the lower animals. 

Not so, however, with the exotic African. Early in 
our colonial history, England sought to increase her 
North American products for home consumption and 
re-exportation, and to discourage the emigration of her 
European subjects to the New World, where they were 
disposed to seek refuge from the oppressions of the 
Restoration. To accomplish these ends she did not 
hesitate to fasten upon her colonies the curse of negro 
slavery, even in violation of her own laws, and over the 



1 1 6 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

repeated protests of our colonial ancestors. Even as 
late as the middle of the seventeenth century, Charles 
II., by public proclamation, called upon his loyal sub- 
jects in England to subscribe to a joint-stock company, 
organized under government auspices, the declared 
purpose of which was " the importation of African 
slaves into America." 

In a few decades this influx of Africans began to 
excite alarm, and the legislature of Massachusetts 
imposed a prohibitory tax upon it. But the law was 
made inoperative by the interposition of the royal Coun- 
cil, and subsequently each of the royal governors was 
instructed from London to promptly veto all such 
" presumptious enactments." The result was that, in 
the colonies of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, 
every measure by the local legislature looking to a 
restriction of the African slave-trade was stifled by an 
executive veto. The colonists next resorted to the 
right of petition ; but every petition to the Crown ask- 
ing for a restriction of the slave-trade was received with 
haughty indifference. Finally, in their desperation, the 
colonists resorted to concert of action. The Congress 
of 1774 passed a Resolution to the effect that, after 
December of that year, no more African slaves should 
be imported into any of the colonies ; and, two years 
later, when the controversy with the mother country 
culminated in the formal Declaration of Independence, 
the original draft of that document contained a clause 
alleging, in justification of the act, that the king of 
Great Britain had " steadily forbidden all attempts to 
prohibit, or even to limit, the importation of African 
slaves into the colonies." 

This clause was stricken out, as Mr. Jefferson subse- 
' quently admitted, " in complaisance to South Caro- 
lina"; thus affording the first example in our colonial 



The Race Problem in America 117 

history of the sacrifice of principle to temporary expe- 
diency, and, like all such sacrifices, it cost the coun- 
try dearly. For, up to that time, the colonial Congress, 
as a de facto body, had stood fairly committed against 
negro slavery ; but now, when for the first time the 
Congress had become a de jure body as well, it weakly 
abandoned the whole question in deference to a little 
handful of rice-planters whose loyalty to the cause of 
Independence had never been quite above suspicion. 
Not only did the continental Congress thus abandon 
the question, but, by subsequent legislation, it virtually 
legalized slavery by relegating it to the particular colo- 
nies or " states." 

This was the turning-point in the history of the 
slavery question in the United States. For, as Professor 
Van Hoist has pointed out, 1 up to that time, while negro 
slavery was a recognized fact in each of the colonies, it 
was not a legal institution in any one of them. Not 
one of the original charters under which they had 
been established contained a single word or clause that 
could be tortured into even a constructive grant of 
right to property in man. Slavery in the abstract had 
never been sanctioned by either the common or statu- 
tory law of England, and both classes of laws were still of 
force in each of the thirteen colonies. Nor did the fact 
that England had forced African slavery upon them, con- 
trary to her own laws, alter the legal aspects of the case. 

The fatal consequences of this first blunder mark 
every page of our constitutional and political history 
from that day to this. We encounter them in the an- 
nals of the first Confederation, in the reported proceed- 
ings of the Convention of 1787, in articles one and four 
of the Constitution submitted by that Convention, in the 
debates pending the final ratification of the Constitution^, 

1 In his Political and Constitutional History of the United States. 



1 1 8 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

in the subsequent amendments to that instrument, in 
the decisions of our Supreme Court, and in the long 
series of legislative expedients or " compromises which 
settled nothing, decided no question, but merely put 
off the day of trial." Finally, when all temporary ex- 
pedients were exhausted, and the day of trial could be 
put off no longer, slavery went down forever; but in 
that baptism of fire and blood, we narrowly escaped the 
fate of our trans-Caribbean neighbor of 1830, and a 
condition of organized anarchy similar to that which 
prevailed in the dismembered fragments of the old 
Colombian Union. 

The results of our civil war, and the constitutional 
amendments which followed, made us a nation in fact 
as well as in name, by fixing the allegiance of the citizen 
where it properly belongs; and they incidentally trans- 
formed the negro slave into a free citizen of the Repub- 
lic and of the particular state in which he resided. But 
this brought us face to face with a still more perplexing 
form of the race problem ; for the question then was, 
how to adapt the principles of local self-government to 
local communities, the masses of which were as yet 
unfitted for self-government. And that form of the 
problem is still with us. For, stripped of all embellish- 
ment and demagogic rhodomontade, the real issue still 
is, not whether a republican form of goverment is best 
adapted to these communities, but whether, in a 
Republic, the suffrage should be unrestricted and uni- 
versal, or judiciously limited to those capable of exer- 
cising it with safety to the community? 

It seems to me that this question admits of but one 
rational answer. If the professed object of all govern- 
ment, of whatever form, be the general welfare, it is the 
manifest duty of the state to restrict the suffrage to 
those of its citizens who are capable of exercising it 



The Race Problem in America 119 

without peril to the good order and safety of the com- 
monwealth. But this restriction should be impartial, 
otherwise it would be undemocratic, un-American, and 
manifestly unjust. There is no valid reason why an 
unfit person should personally participate in the affairs 
of government merely because he happens to have 
blue eyes, straight hair, and a white skin; and to say 
that a man should be allowed to vote because, and only 
because, he happens to be a negro, is equally absurd. 

It is admitted that a restriction of the suffrage to a 
literary or property qualification, or both, would result 
in exceptional cases of individual hardship. A man 
may not be able to read and write, and yet possess suf- 
ficient judgment and knowledge of affairs to vote intel- 
ligently ; or he may be able to read and write, and yet 
have neither sound judgment or a dollar's worth of tax- 
able property. Such conditions are not only possible, 
but within the range of ordinary experience. But per- 
fection in human legislation is not of possible attain- 
ment; no one expects it. The most that is possible, 
and therefore the most that ought to be expected, is 
the adoption of the least objectionable alternative ; and 
the alternatives presented are the evils of unrestricted 
suffrage, or the exceptional and temporary inconven- 
iences and hardships of the proposed remedy. 

It is agreed, I presume, that the first named is a 
standing menace to republican institutions; that it 
threatens our very civilization itself; and that, there- 
fore, the welfare of whole communities demands some 
prompt and efficient remedy. It is granted that the 
remedy proposed would temporarily affect individual 
privileges, but not individual rights. It would work no 
positive wrong or permanent inconvenience to any. 
Suffrage is not, and never has been, in any of the 
American republics, an inherent and inalienable right, 



120 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

inseparable from citizenship. Our own Supreme Court 
has decided more than once that a man may be a cit- 
izen, clothed with all the rights and immunities of citi- 
zenship, without being a qualified elector. Besides, the 
individual citizen who might be temporarily excluded 
from the privileges of the ballot, would have all the 
more powerful incentive to qualify himself to become a 
voter; and where education is practically free, and the 
avenues of honorable industry are open to all, he could 
hardly fail to attain to the requisite standard. But if he 
be without ambition, and be idle and shiftless beyond 
redemption, then no mere political or partisan contri- 
vance, nor any amount of mere class legislation, can ever 
fit him for participation in the affairs of government. 

Are these thought to be visionary and impracticable 
views, plausible in the abstract, but impossible in prac- 
tice? That they will be so characterized by dema- 
gogues is to be expected; for demagogues cannot 
be expected to favor any measure of reform the 
declared purpose of which is to lessen their power and 
influence. Therefore the wishes of demagogues will 
have to be disregarded if we would make an honest 
effort at reform; and a little reflection ought to con- 
vince honest but timid men of the popular error that 
universal suffrage has been firmly incorporated as 
a principle in our Federal Constitution. Each of 
the states in the Union is still competent, and exclu- 
sively competent, to fix its own standard of suffrage. 
The only restriction imposed by Articles XIV. and 
XV. is that suffrage shall be impartial. There must 
be no discrimination "on account of race, color, or 
previous condition of servitude." Persons unfit to par- 
ticipate in the affairs of government may be legally ex- 
cluded from the privilege of the ballot; but so long 
as Article XV. remains unrepealed, the line of exclu- 



The Race Problem in America 121 

siqn must be drawn without reference to race or color 
distinctions. 

It is true that by Article XIV. of the Constitution 
" all persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of 
the United States " ; and there is a clause which pro- 
hibits any state from making or enforcing " any law 
abridging the privileges or immunities of citizens of the 
United States." But what is meant by the terms " privi- 
leges or immunities " ? They are not new in the Con- 
stitution. They were there eighty years before Article 
XIV. was adopted, or even thought of; and, according 
to our Supreme Court decisions, the terms do not relate 
to the question of suffrage at all, but only to civil and 
social rights. Thus, women have all the " privileges and 
immunities " incident to citizenship, but women are not 
and never have been voters. Moreover, the qualifica- 
tions of electors is still as much a matter for the particular 
state to determine as it ever was. Any state may dis- 
franchise its citizens — that is, citizens of the United 
State residing within its borders — for any cause it may 
see fit, except only for " race, color, or previous con- 
dition of servitude." The state would thereby lose a 
corresponding portion of its numerical representation 
in the lower House of Congress and in the presidential 
electoral college. But in compensation for this, it 
would gain in the character and ability of its represen- 
tation ; and experience has shown that a few able and 
experienced men of affairs count for more in practical 
legislation than any number of fools. Besides, the 
state's quota in the Senate would not be changed ; 
there would still be two Senators for each state. 
Since, therefore, the reform indicated would involve no 
violation of the Constitution, would impair no rights 
that are incident to citizenship, and would give us bet- 



122 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

ter government by constitutional methods, there would 
be nothing revolutionary about it. It would be merely 
the exercise of an undisputed prerogative of the state, 
guaranteed by the great fundamental law of the Union 
itself. 

But even if, in order to save whole communities from 
anarchy, it should be found expedient to abrogate (by 
means provided in the Constitution) the amended Arti- 
cle XV. of the fundamental law, what then? All gov- 
ernment is more or less experimental ; and that form 
of government is best which is best adapted to the 
wants and conditions of those who live under it. Con- 
stitutions must grow, must be evolved by experience. 
Revisions, abrogations, and amendments become neces- 
sary as conditions and circumstances change. And if, 
after a fair trial of more than a quarter of a century, an 
article or a provision of our written Constitution has 
been found to be a blunder, it is the province of true 
statesmanship to recognize the error and seek the legal 
and orderly means of correcting it. 




CHAPTER X 

DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AMERICA 

S early as 1790 a sentiment of discontent with 
monarchic rule began to manifest itself in Cara- 
.cas and Carthagena, and soon extended to the 
interior cities of Bogota and Pamplona. The project of 
independence and autonomous government was even 
then freely discussed, and had attracted some attention 
in the United States and in Europe. It was, however, 
confined to a small circle of educated men who were 
hopelessly in advance of local public sentiment, and 
was easily stifled by the blood of a few victims. 

Some years later, when the scheme was again re- 
vived, several of the more prominent leaders were 
banished from the country, and found refuge in Italy. 
At Rome they met the British ambassador, who offered 
them asylum in London. England and Spain were 
then at enmity ; and the government at London prob- 
ably cared less for the fate of the refugees than for the 
overthrow of a regime which had excluded British trade 
from South America. At any rate, hating Spain rather 
than loving an abstraction, the British ministry did not 
hesitate to encourage sedition and rebellion in the 
Spanish-American colonies. 

Very soon, however, there was a treaty of " peace 
and amity " between Spain and England which was 
well calculated to discourage the South American 
patriots; although, despite this treaty, it was alleged 



1 24 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

that they continued to receive secret assurances of 
sympathy from Great Britain. But the malcontents of 
Colombia and Venezuela had already begun to look 
elsewhere for substantial aid, and were soon encour- 
aged from another quarter. The quixotic schemes of 
the French democrats had just been proclaimed, 
whereby it was proposed to reform the politics of the 
ivorld in general, and, in particular, to republicanize 
old Spain and emancipate all her American colonies. 
But the hopes thus inspired were suddenly doomed by 
the tragic end of the French Republic ; and, amid the 
shifting scenes of European politics, England was again 
in a position to be appealed to by the Spanish- Amer- 
icans. They proposed to declare the colonies inde- 
pendent of Spain on condition of a loan of a large sum 
of money, to be returned in easy instalments after 
independence should be acknowledged. By the terms 
of this proposal, England was to have absolute freedom 
of the isthmian ports and transit ; and there was to be 
established, besides, such a connection between the 
Bank of England and the colonial commercial houses 
as would give British merchants and carriers a monop- 
oly of the trade of the country. 

But the negotiations failed, or rather were suspended 
by the sudden renewal of hostilities in Europe; and 
the patriots were again disappointed. The masses of 
their people at home were generally indifferent, and the 
cause of independence now seemed hopeless. Even 
as late as 1808, when it was again revived, and more 
generally agitated than before, the extreme apathy and 
indifference of the masses gave little hope of imme- 
diate results. Centuries of political and ecclesiastical 
vassalage had accustomed them to habits of obedience, 
and if they had ever realized the depths of their humil- 
iation, they seemed hopeless of any change for the 



Democracy in South America 125 

better. But a train of circumstances, over which they 
8 had no control, brought on the crisis of two years 
later. 

The treaty of Bayonne had incidentally transferred 
to Napoleon I. all the Spanish possessions in America ; 
and, having been forced to part with Louisiana, he 
now turned his attention to the Southern hemisphere. 
Hardly had he matured his plans, however, before 
hostilities were renewed in Europe; and the invasion 
of Spain, at a time when she was unprepared to give 
much attention to her colonies, afforded the oppor- 
tunity so long sought by the Venezuelans and New 
Granadians. So in July, 18 10, they deposed the Vice- 
roy and declared the country independent of the Span- 
ish crown. This was accomplished without a struggle ; 
not a gun had been fired, not a life had been lost ; and 
a bloodless revolution seemed assured. 

But the end was not yet. Some months later, there 
arrived at Puerto Rico an adventurer named Domingo 
Monteverde, — a coarse, cruel, ambitious, half-educated 
fellow, itching for fame. He had espoused the cause 
of Ferdinand VII., and obtained a commission as field 
marshal in the royal army. Landing in Venezuela, he 
invaded Carora, and defeated the patriots in the first 
pitched battle. Then followed the twelve years of 
armed conflict which is perhaps without a parallel in 
the annals of modern warfare. Venezuela and New 
Granada, hitherto separate dependencies under Spain, 
■» now formed separate Juntas, or provisional govern- 
ments ; and each prepared to maintain its independence 
not only of Spain but of each other. Very soon the 
process of segregation began in both ; and before many 
months there were some half-dozen petty provinces of 
each country claiming to be " independent states." 
Thus, in New Granada, the de facto Congress, com- 



126 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

posed of delegates from all the departments or prov- 
inces, was forced to choose between a total abandonment 
of the confederation and a war of coercion. The Con- 
gress chose the latter alternative ; the refractory prov- 
inces were whipped into the Union, and compelled to 
obey its mandates. A similar condition of affairs ex- 
isted in Venezuela; and in both countries the contest 
for independence often partook more of the nature of 
a civil war than of an organized resistance under a 
single head. 

But even this anomalous state of affairs had its ad- 
vantages. Although jealous of each other, all factions 
were united in a common purpose to throw off the 
Spanish yoke ; and when not actively engaged in quar- 
relling and fighting among themselves, they were unitedly 
or separately prosecuting the war for independence. 
In those mountainous regions guerilla warfare is the 
most effective form of defensive military operations ; 
and when the patriot forces were defeated in one prov- 
ince or section, resistance would spring up in another. 
When the united armies of the colonists were over- 
thrown and dispersed by the Spanish forces, the little 
provincial juntas would keep alive the spirit of resist- 
ance. When the patriot cause seemed hopelessly lost 
by reverses in Venezuela, it would be suddenly revived 
in New Granada. When everything seemed hopeless 
in New Granada, the cause would come up again in 
Venezuela. So that the very diversity of governments, 
all engaged in a common cause, served to distract 
the attention of royalist chiefs and embarrass their 
operations. 

After several years of this confusion and anarchy, 
General Simon Bolivar, a young man of aristocratic 
lineage and brilliant talents, though hitherto little 
known, came to the front and was made military die- 



Democracy in South America 1 27 

tator. A series of decisive victories by the colonial 
forces under his command soon followed, and the cause 
of independence seemed assured. A resolution was 
now introduced into the Congress of the United States, 
championed by Mr. Clay, looking to the formal recog- 
nition of the new Republic. After considerable delay, 
this measure finally passed both Houses, and received 
the sanction of the executive ; and on the 8th of 
March, 1822, the United States formally welcomed the 
new commonwealths into the great family of independ- 
ent nations. 

This step was taken in advance of all the other powers, 
over the vehement protest of the Spanish minister at 
Washington, and in defiance of a wordy menace by the 
Spanish Cortes. And yet many of our people, unac- 
quainted with the civilization and history of the Spanish- 
American countries, expressed surprise that our action 
had been so long delayed. The war for independence 
had been going on with varied fortunes, but generally 
adverse to Spain, for twelve years ; and after having 
inspired the Spanish-Americans by our example of 
thirty-four years before, people marvelled that we should 
have been so backward in taking the initiative to put an 
end to the contest. 

But the delay was fully justified when its causes 
became better understood. The case of the Spanish- 
Americans was in no true sense parallel to that of our 
own struggle for independence. The primitive condi- 
tions of the two peoples had been totally different. The 
Anglo-American settlements on the North Atlantic 
coast had never been colonial in the sense in which that 
term was understood in Spanish-America. They had 
been autonomous communities from the very outset. 
They had never endured, even for one brief month, the 
commercial restrictions, political vassalage, and long 



128 Colombian and Venezuela 

series of studied insults to which the Spanish colonists 
had submitted, almost without complaint or remonstrance, 
for more than three centuries. The North American 
colonists hardly knew the meaning of the terms political 
and ecclesiastical slavery, for they had never been the 
victims of either. They did sometimes fancy themselves 
sufferers from religious bigotry, or the victims of unjust 
legislation ; but they had never known a time when 
they could not arraign their colonial governors in " town 
meeting," or freely criticise Church dogmas; and the 
very moment they discovered, or fancied they discovered, 
a disposition to reduce them to a mere colonial condition, 
such as existed in Spanish-America, organized resistance 
began. 

How very different was the case with the Spanish- 
Americans ! They had never known anything like local 
self-government, and they knew even less of religious 
liberty. The natives had been reduced to a condition 
of abject servitude ; the Creole population had been 
trained never to question the authority of the imported 
magistrate ; and the authority in temporal affairs of an 
established Church had never been controverted by 
either. The Church ruled everything, from the house- 
hold to the common-law courts. It had prohibited the 
teaching of the arts and sciences ; restricted education 
to the Latin grammar and the catechism ; and limited 
the public libraries to the writings of the Fathers and to 
works on civil and ecclesiastical jurisprudence. It had 
even prohibited the study of modern geography and 
astronomy, and forbade the reading, of books of travel. 
It discouraged the study of the higher mathematics, and 
condemned all philosophic inquiry and speculation as 
heresy. It had even placed under the ban such innocent 
fictions as Gil Bias and Robinson Crusoe; and there had 
never been a book or a magazine or a newspaper in the 



Democracy in South America 129 

whole country that was not conformed to the strictest 
rule of the Roman Index. The Viceroys and Captains- 
General were all foreigners ; some of them impecunious 
adventurers of desperate fortunes. None of them had 
any permanent interest in the country; none of them 
were ever in sympathy with the people they governed. 
The ports and harbors of the country were closed to the 
world's commerce, and it was made a felony punishable 
with death to trade with any but Spaniards. How could 
a whole people, thus kept secluded in ignorance and 
slavery for more than ten successive generations, be 
reasonably expected to suddenly realize their true con- 
dition, or to improve the means for utilizing the match- 
less resources of their fertile and beautiful country? 
The marvel is not that their struggle for independence 
was so long delayed, but that their independence should 
so soon become an acknowledged fact. 

In one respect, however, their political history is 
analogous to our own. It required a long series of 
almost fatal experiences to induce New Granada, Ven- 
ezuela, and Ecuador, and the petty provinces, or 
" states," of each, to sufficiently overcome their preju- 
dices to form a federal Union. Thus, the opposition 
to the old Colombian Union was very general, not only 
by the leading politicians of both Venezuela and New 
Granada, but likewise by the politicians and demagogues 
of the provinces in each of those countries. Nor was 
this strange antipathy confined to the demagogues 
alone. Intelligent and patriotic men who had other 
avocations than office- seeking, had a strange and unde- 
fined dread of something which they called " consoli- 
dated government," without knowing exactly what that 
meant ; and with them, as with us, this senseless fear of 
" centralization," long continued to be the evil genius 
of their political institutions. Thus in Venezuela, the 

9 



130 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

first attempt at free government resulted in a loose con- 
federation of petty prefectures with powers to recom- 
mend everything, but with power to do nothing; and 
those who clearly foresaw the condition of imbecility 
and anarchy which must inevitable follow, were too 
much afraid of what they conceived to be public senti- 
ment to earnestly combat the heresy. In New Granada, 
the little commonwealth of Cundinamarca could not be 
induced to so far compromise its assumed " sovereignty " 
as to become a member of the confederation until force 
was resorted to and its capital placed under martial law. 
Others of the self-styled " states " were very little less 
refractory ; and it was only through the military pres- 
tige and personal influence of General Bolivar that the 
Union became a possibility. 

After the great battle of Boyaca, General Bolivar 
procured a meeting of delegates from all the provinces 
at the old town of Angostura. In an elaborate address 
to this Congress he urged the importance of the union 
of Venezuela, New Granada, and Ecuador under " one 
efficient national government; " and on the ioth of 
December, 18 19, a fundamental law was adopted 
whereby the three states were united in confederation. 
This was followed by the appointment of a commis- 
sion to draft a constitution of government. The Com- 
mission prepared and submitted a draft, which, after 
various alterations and amendments, was finally and 
with great difficulty adopted on the 30th of August, 
I82I. 

The principles of that Constitution were those of a 
representative, consolidated republic. It recognized 
one supreme national legislature, and tolerated no sub- 
ordinate ones. There was complete unity of authority c 
The prefectures were subordinate powers of govern- 
ment, under the immediate direction of intendants ap- 



Democracy in South America i 3 1 

pointed by the President and responsible only to him. 
The provinces, or " states," were each placed under a 
Governor-General appointed by the President. The 
people (or rather such of them as were qualified voters) 
elected Electors, who chose the President and Vice- 
President, and likewise the Senators and Representa- 
tives in Congress. One Representative was chosen for 
each thirty thousand inhabitants ; and for every fraction 
of population over sixteen thousand in any one prov- 
ince, an additional Representative was allowed. Each 
province was entitled to four Senators, two of whom 
were chosen every four years, the long term being 
eight years. The Representatives were elected for four 
years ; the President and Vice-President for four years, 
and either or both might be re-elected for one succeed- 
ing term. The popular election for Electors was held 
every four years in the respective parishes, at which 
each qualified voter (and for this purpose a small 
property qualification was necessary) gave his suffrage 
for the number of Electors to which the province was 
entitled. The Electors thus chosen met once in four 
years at the capital of the province, and chose by bal- 
lot all the important officers of government. The vote 
thus cast was returned to the national Congress, which, 
in joint session of both Houses, canvassed the returns 
and officially declared the result. The President and 
Vice-President were chosen by a majority of the Elec- 
toral vote in all the provinces ; the Senators and Rep- 
resentatives by a majority of Electoral votes in the 
respective provinces and districts. 

The judiciary was singularly crude and defective. 
The civil and criminal codes consisted, for the most 
part, of ill-arranged collections of royal ordinances, ob- 
solete Spanish laws, and old colonial decrees ill-adapted 
to the new order of things, — the whole abounding in 



132 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

contradictions well calculated to vex the suitor, defeat 
the ends of justice, and fill the pockets of needy lawyers. 

General Bolivar was elected first President, as was 
natural ; but hardly had he been officially installed 
before he encountered the most acrimonious criticism. 
Factious opposition sprang up all over the country. 
Local politicians whose claims to office had not been 
recognized, or whose political influence seemed likely 
to be lost in so large an expanse of territory, became 
irreconcilable, and were ready to resort to any means 
in order to keep themselves before the public. They 
accused the President of having monarchical designs ; 
of being in secret correspondence with the princes of 
Europe ; of treachery to the cause which had so glori- 
ously triumphed under his leadership, and which had 
cost him his private fortune. The old bugbear of " con- 
solidated government " was revived and dragged forth 
to frighten the timid and to manufacture a false public 
sentiment. Treachery lurked everywhere. The Presi- 
dent's life was often openly threatened, and on one occa- 
sion, in order to escape the midnight assassin, he leaped 
from his chamber window and fled in disguise from the 
capital. Matters went on from bad to worse, until 
finally the crisis came. After less than six years of 
fitful existence, the Colombian Union was no more; 
the demagogues had triumphed ; the reign of organized 
anarchy now began. 

It has been said by some of his own countrymen that 
Bolivar deserved his sad fate, that he was by birth and 
habits of thought an aristocrat, without sympathy with 
the masses. But the demagogues said the same of 
our own Washington ; and the saddest incident of this 
demagogic crusade was, that it had been incited by no 
less a man than Thomas Jefferson. That Bolivar was 
well descended he could not help ; yet the demagogues 



Democracy in South America 133 

never forgave him for being a gentleman. They hated 
him instinctively. That he was never a democrat in 
the modern depraved sense of that much-abused term 
will have to be admitted. No more was Washington. 
Both wanted representative government ; neither wanted 
a degenerate democracy. Bolivar did not seek to con- 
ceal his distrust of the policy of frequent elections by 
unrestricted suffrage; and he particularly distrusted it 
in his own country, where the masses were without pre- 
vious political training or experience. He believed in 
perfect equality of civic rights, but not in equality of 
the right to govern. 

Democracy ! There are few words in the English 
language that have become so perverted and meaning- 
less. In Greece, whence the term is derived, it meant 
a commonwealth so constituted that the political "power 
was exercised by the body of citizens, as contradistin- 
guished from government by a single individual or by 
a dominant caste. It by no means implied absolute 
equality of right in all citizens to exercise political 
power, but quite the reverse. In the Greek republic, 
this right was not extended to all citizens indiscrimi- 
nately, but was wisely limited to those who, by edu- 
cation and personal responsibility, were qualified to 
exercise it without detriment to the general welfare. 
And subsequently, when the gradual extinction of in- 
equalities of political rights culminated in the transfer- 
ence of power to the mass of citizens without distinction, 
Aristotle characterized it as " degenerated democracy," 
which soon ended in the hopeless collapse of free 
government. 

Now a true democracy is just as antagonistic to ochloc- 
racy or mobocracy as it is to aristocracy or hierarchy. 
A democratic form of government requires the removal 
of all class privileges which destroy the unity and 



134 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

homogeneity of the state or nation. It therefore im- 
plies the establishment of complete personal and social 
liberty, and the equality of all before the law; but 
with respect to political rights or direct participation in 
the affairs of government, it requires only such a form 
of constitution as will exclude no class of citizens, as 
such. The making of the exercise of political func- 
tions dependent on certain guarantees in the case of 
each individual is certainly not undemocratic; while to 
admit the whole body of citizens to share in the gov- 
ernment at once, quite regardless of personal qualifica- 
tion, is not only undemocratic but anarchical. It is 
only in proportion as intelligence and culture increase 
that a wider circle are capable of such functions, or 
that suffrage may be extended with safety to the state. 
Hence restricted or qualified suffrage, so far from being 
incompatible with democratic principles, is in reality 
essential to the perpetuity of a democratic form of 
government. 

That Bolivar should have shown less confidence in 
the ability of the masses to govern than did Washing- 
ton, was only natural; he had a very different kind of 
people to deal with. He believed that form of govern- 
ment best which was best adapted to the condition of 
those who were to live under it. He tried to impress 
this upon the minds of his countrymen as early as 1815. 
His plan of government, as then formulated, was an elec- 
tive chief magistrate or President, whose term of office 
should be for life or during good behavior ; a national 
legislature or Congress, composed of two branches or 
Houses, — one, the Senate, to be an hereditary body or 
else elected for long terms ; the members of the House 
to be elected every two years by the vote of the people ; 
and an independent judiciary, the terms of the judges 
being for life or during good behavior. 



Democracy in South America 135 

This was quite as far in the direction of democratic 
government as he thought a people who had just 
emerged from a long night of slavery and ignorance 
were prepared to go with safety; and time has abun- 
dantly shown that his apprehensions were well-founded. 
For scarcely at any time since the disruption of the old 
Colombian Union has there been in either of the three 
countries of which it was formed, and perhaps never 
in all of them at the same time, a government that was 
democratic in anything but name. To adopt the lan- 
guage of a distinguished Colombian statesman, Dr. 
Rafael Nunez, for many years President of the Repub- 
lic, " their normal condition has been disorder and civil 
war ; " and even during their exceptional periods of 
complete tranquillity the " President has been gener- 
ally more of an autocrat or a military dictator, than a 
civil magistrate responsible to the people." 




CHAPTER XI 

THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED 

N the ruins of the old Colombian Union there 
I soon arose the three independent states of 
Venezuela, New Granada (new Colombia), and 
Ecuador. Each of these had its written constitution of 
government, which, however, as construed by the courts 
and politicians of each, was little more than a compact 
between a number of small provinces, or prefectures, 
dignified by the name of" sovereign states." All power 
not " expressly delegated " to the general government 
was reserved to these so-called " sovereign states." 
The ultimate allegiance of the citizen was due, not to 
the federal or national government, but to the particu- 
lar province or state wherein he resided. He owed 
no allegiance to the national government except such 
as he owed incidentally by reason of his citizenship of 
the particular state. In other words, the confederation 
was a nation in name only. It had neither citizens nor 
subjects. It was a government with nothing to govern. 
It had none of the attributes of real sovereignty. True, 
the treaty-making power and the administration of 
foreign affairs had been expressly delegated to it; 
but it had no power to enforce treaty obligations as 
against any one of the constituent states, nor any power 
to enforce its own mandates within the territory of a 
particular state ! In short, a fuller and more complete 
realization of the dream of Thomas Jefferson and his 




"^Sk tA 



$ « '<. 







I 2; 



The Same Subject Continued 137 

political followers can hardly be imagined. Now let 
us see how it worked in practice. 

In Venezuela the process of individuation and segre- 
gation went on until the number of " sovereign states " 
had increased from six to twenty-one. The fifteen new 
states thus created had not been formed from newly 
acquired territory or from any public domain ; but 
were carved out of the original six, and apparently for 
no other purpose than to increase the number of public 
offices. Each of the twenty-one states had its chief 
magistrate, or " President," as he was grandiloquently 
styled ; each had its legislature and judiciary, and each 
its own military establishment. Any one of them might 
repudiate its pecuniary obligations with impunity ; for a 
" sovereign " cannot be sued, even in his own law courts, 
without his previous consent, and this was rarely given. 
And each might, with equal impunity, violate a public 
treaty, and thus bring humiliation and expense upon 
the general government, which was practically without 
redress against the offending party. It was but natural 
then that " revolutions " and counter-revolutions should 
have become the rule rather than the exception ; and 
that the condition of anarchy should have become so 
persistent and intolerable as to prepare the public mind 
for a military dictatorship. 

The government was still a republic in name, but an 
autocracy in everything else. To all intents and pur- 
poses the will of the dictator was the fundamental and 
statutory law of the land. The legislature and the 
judiciary, though somewhat expensive ornaments, were 
but his dependents. He dictated the laws to be en- 
acted, and what interpretations should be given to 
them by the courts ; dictated to the Church what 
bishops it should appoint; to the schools and colleges 
what text-books they should use ; to authors what they 



138 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

should write and publish ; to the women what style of 
dress they should wear in the streets ; to merchants 
what foreign goods they should import; to manufact- 
urers the quality and prices of their articles ; to bankers 
what should be considered legal tender ; to persons 
contemplating matrimony the character and place of the 
tiuptial ceremonies ; to hackmen and common carriers 
what they should charge for their services ; to butchers 
and market-men the number of cattle they might 
slaughter in a given time ; to architects and builders 
the particular style of house they should construct in 
the capital ; and when he took a fancy to a particular 
piece of realty, he seldom hesitated to fix the price 
and order the owner off the premises. People tamely 
submitted to this tyranny for about twenty years, because 
it was preferable to organized anarchy. Finally, however, 
getting a little tired of the monotony, they threw off the 
yoke. A constitutional Presidency was established ; the 
Presidential term was fixed at two years, and the Presi- 
dent made ineligible as his own successor. But when 
his two years' term expired, he usually found some 
plausible pretext for attempting to hold over another 
two years ; and this would lead to another revolution, 
to another armed conflict, which would end in another 
dictatorship before public order could be restored. 

In Ecuador there was a revolution and a new con- 
stitution of government about every four years. Thus, 
from 1830 to i860, there were seven successive consti- 
tutions. Each of these provided for a government " re- 
publican in form " ; but under each the actual govern- 
ment (when there happened to be any) was either an 
autocracy, an ecclesiastical hierarchy, or a military 
despotism. That of 1830 was based upon the idea of 
absolute local or " state sovereignty." The legislature 
was composed of a single House of Deputies ; and each 



The Same Subject Continued 139 

province, or " state," was entitled to the same number 
of deputies, quite regardless of population. This was 
succeeded by the Constitution of 1835, which provided 
for two House of Congress, one of which was appor- 
tioned to population, the other to the number of 
" states." This, in turn, was superseded by the Consti- 
tution of 1843, which was the first to guarantee freedom 
of religious worship ; but a " revolution " followed al- 
most immediately, resulting in the new Constitution of 
1845, whereby the President was invested with extraor- 
dinary powers. The government was an absolutism, 
pure and simple, though of course still republican in 
name. This gave way to the Constitution of 1850, 
which again reduced the Congress to a single House, 
in which representation was according to " states," 
quite regardless of population. In place of the Senate 
there was a Federal Council, in imitation of that of the 
Swiss Confederation. This Constitution lasted for two 
years, when it was superseded by that of 1852, which 
provided for its own amendment, or its entire annul- 
ment, annually ; and for the purpose of such revision 
or annulment the President might convoke the Federal 
Congress at any time. Since then, probably no one 
whole calendar year has passed without some " con- 
stitutional reform," and it would require rare powers 
of analysis to draw the distinction between what is con- 
sidered fundamental and statutory legislation. 

A similar condition of affairs existed in New Granada. 
Local and general revolutions chased each other in 
rapid succession, and constitutional changes were so 
frequent that it is difficult to even enumerate them in 
chronological order. Each of the nine provinces, or 
prefectures, was clothed with the name and dignity of a 
" sovereign state," and the mystery of the Trinity was 
outdone in ingenious devices to reconcile plural sover- 



140 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

eignties with national unity. There was no central or 
paramount authority — except on paper. Primary alle- 
giance was due, not to the nation, but to the constitu- 
ent state in which the citizen resided. Even allegiance 
to the particular state was hardly in the nature of an 
obligation ; for back of the theory of state allegiance 
was the doctrine of individual or personal sovereignty. 
Every man eighteen years of age and upward was a 
sort of nondescript sovereign floating about at random, 
governed by a " higher law " inherent in himself. He 
owed society nothing; society owed him everything; 
for his ultimate allegiance was due to himself only ! 
Consequently, when, for any reason satisfactory to him- 
self he declared against the government, he was not a 
traitor at all, but only a " revolutionist " asserting his 
inherent right as a " sovereign." And any one of the 
so-called sovereign states might nullify a law of the 
Federal Congress with as little ceremony as a dissatis- 
fied principal might disclaim the acts of a subordinate. 

During the thirty years intervening from 1830 to 
1 861, there were five successive constitutions, not one 
of which was ever respected when it became an obstacle 
to the ambition of some local military chieftain. There 
were no two whole years of perfect peace and tranquillity 
during the entire period ; for there was a " revolution," 
local or general, on an average about every eighteen 
months. Even in its most tranquil moments, the gov- 
ernment failed to inspire public confidence, and what 
capital there was in the country generally sought in- 
vestment abroad. In short, to again adopt the incisive 
language of a distinguished Colombian scholar and 
statesman, " The maintenance of public order was the 
exception, and civil war the rule." 1 

1 Dr. Rafael Nunez, President of Colombia in 1883-4. La Reforma 
Politico, en Colombia, p. 98. 



The Same Subject Continued 141 

After the great civil war of 1861, generally known as 
the Mosquera Revolution, the sixth Constitution of 
government was framed and adopted. It changed the 
name of the country from New Granada to the " United 
States of Colombia," disestablished the Church, con- 
fiscated nearly all Church property, and disfranchised 
the clergy, but extended the suffrage to all other male 
persons eighteen years of age and upwards. It made 
all officers of government elective for short terms, abol- 
ished the death-penalty, and made ten years imprison- 
ment the maximum punishment for the crime of murder. 
It guaranteed (on paper) perfect freedom of conscience, 
of speech, and of press, and provided for a system of 
non-sectarian public instruction, to be conducted under 
the immediate direction of the state. But it denied to 
the federal or general government all power to inter- 
fere in the affairs of the constituent states, even for the 
punishment of crime or the preservation of public order. 
And it expressly provided that " when one sovereign 
state of the Union shall be at war with another, or the 
citizens of any one state shall be at war among them- 
selves, the Government of the Union is obligated to 
preserve the strictest neutrality," and let the belliger- 
ants fight it out, or otherwise settle their differences to 
suit themselves! The judiciary was a mere travesty. 
The federal Supreme Court had no appellate jurisdic- 
tion, nor was there any national court of appeal. A 
cause of action arising within the territory of any one 
of the particular states (and a cause of action could 
hardly arise elsewhere, since there were no federal dis- 
tricts) could be adjudged by the state courts only; and 
once so adjudged the case was res adjudicata. There 
could be no appeal, no matter how monstrously illegal 
the sentence, or however informal the proceedings. 
The dissatisfied or injured party had no recourse other 



142 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

than by petition to the state legislature ; and the most 
that that body could do would be to order the judge to 
jail, with the certainty that he would be pardoned and 
restored to liberty by the executive. The judges were 
generally local politicians ; often men of rather shady 
moral character, and sometimes not even lawyers by 
profession. 1 

This constitution, which was, as I have said, the sixth 
in chronological order, remained in force for about 
twenty-two years; and during that time there was as 
many as eleven " revolutions," or one on an average of 
about every two years. And yet it has been stated by 
a distinguished Colombian publicist 2 that " during this 
period, public disorders were much less frequent than 
under any previous period after the dissolution of the 
old Union." He might have added with equal truth- 
fulness that when suffrage became universal, fair elec- 
tions ceased to be possibilities, and that a defeated 
candidate never thought of acquiescing in the result, 
provided he saw a reasonable prospect of successful 
appeal from ballots to bullets. 

After the hopeless failure of the armed revolt against 
the Nunez administration, in 1885, another Constitution 
was framed and adopted, making the seventh in chrono- 
logical order within a period of not quite fifty years. 
This last Constitution, which is still in force, changed 

1 I have the following story from a well-known Colombian lawyer : 
A small politician of local influence, but who had never pretended to be 
a lawyer, was elected judge in one of the interior districts. His first 
case was an action of ejectment. After puzzling over the papers for a 
while, he ordered the clerk to make the following entry on the court 
record : Considerando que el juez no sabe nada, ni el secretario tampoco, 
Resuelve que se archive estas expedientes. Publiquese. (" Whereas, since 
neither the judge nor the clerk knows anything, it is ordered that the 
case be dismissed.") 

2 Y)x. Manuel Murillo, President of the Republic, State Papers of 



The Same Subject Continued 143 

the name and title of the country from the United 
States of Colombia to that of "The Republic of Col- 
ombia," thereby intending to convey the idea that a 
consolidated Republic had been substituted for a confed- 
eration of " sovereign states." But in order to place 
this point quite beyond dispute, a special clause was in- 
serted which expressly denied the "sovereignty" of the 
particular states ; and two of the most refractory states 
(Panama and Cundinamarca) were reduced to the con- 
dition of mere territorial dependencies, and governed 
by officers appointed by the President. The suffrage 
was restricted to a literary and property qualifica- 
tion ; and the clergy, who had been disfranchised for 
more than twenty years, were readmitted to participa- 
tion in the affairs of government. The presidential 
term was extended from two to six years ; the judiciary 
was taken out of party politics by making the tenure of 
the judges for life, or during good behavior; the Roman 
Catholic was declared the national religion, although 
perfect freedom of conscience and worship was guaran- 
teed to all ; and the press was to be free when not 
" seditious " — to which end a national censorship was 
established. 

Under this Constitution there have been no conflicting 
" sovereignties," fewer popular elections, and less public 
disorder. Until very recently, the country has enjoyed 
a season of comparative peace and prosperity ; while 
the unification of power has made it easier to fulfil 
treaty obligations, and thus to avoid international com- 
plication and vexatious reclamations by foreigners. 
The marvel is that after so many disastrous experi- 
ments with the visionary and impracticable theories of 
the French democrats, Colombian statesmen did not 
sooner abandon those mischievous political heresies. 

Nor do the three republics named afford exceptional 



144 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

examples of a rich and beautiful country brought to the 
brink of ruin and barbarism by a plethora of Utopian 
" democracy." With some slight variations, the same 
scenes have been enacted in nearly all the Latin-Ameri- 
can republics. Take the case of Gautemala, for instance. 
After the breaking up of the original federal Union of 
the five Central American states, each became an inde- 
pendent nation ; that is to say, like Colombia, a loose 
confederation of petty prefectures called " sovereign 
states " ; and when these corporations were not engaged 
fighting each other, the citizens of each were generally 
fighting amongst themselves. In Mexico there has 
been no general disintegration; but up to 1870 the poli- 
tical history of that country was little else than a record 
of ever-recurring internecine strifes, and the rapid and 
summary deposition of one president after another, 
with the usual alternations of anarchy and military rule. 
Fortunately Mexico is now past that experimental stage 
of Jeffersonism and is a prosperous country ; and let us 
hope that there may be no relapse. Peru and Bolivia 
(two of the five Bolivian republics) have had similar ex- 
periences, and from similiar causes. The Argentine 
Republic and the Republics of Uraguay and Paraguay 
have each suffered from what Aristotle would have called 
" degenerate democracy," and as a consequence have 
oftener been military despotisms than republics. In Chili 
there have been fewer " revolutions," fewer constitutional 
changes, and less public disorder. The reason is obvi- 
ous. It is precisely in Chili where the gospel of French 
democracy never obtained much favor. The govern- 
ment, though representative, has never been even pro- 
fessedly democratic. The President is chosen for long 
terms, not by universal suffrage, but by a board of 
qualified electors. The judicial officers are appointed 
for life or during good behavior. The Deputies and 



The Same Subject Continued 145 

Senators are elected for terms of three and nine years. 
And the suffrage is restricted to citizens able to read 
and write, who, in addition, must be property owners.- 

Shall we then despair of republican government in 
Latin-America? By no means. Even if it be ad- 
mitted that they were not prepared for self-government 
at the time of their emancipation, the question naturally 
arises : When or how, or under what circumstances, 
would they have ever become better fitted for it? Cer- 
tainly not by remanding them to political slavery, as 
was proposed at the Congress of Verona in 1822. For, 
to borrow one of Macaulay's metaphors, a prisoner long 
accustomed to the darkness of his cell is naturally dazed 
and blinded when led out into the sunlight; but his 
blindness is certainly not cured by remanding him to 
his dungeon ; he must become accustomed to the sun- 
light before he can appreciate and utilize it. So it is in 
self-government ; there must be a beginning, and a suc- 
cession of experiments. Each experiment will have its 
blunders ; but it is only through repeated efforts that 
ultimate success is attainable. Moreover, good govern- 
ment is never made to order. It must grow ; it must be 
evolved through the painful experiences of generations. 
Sooner or later, but in due course, public sentiment will 
grow up to higher and juster conceptions of civil and 
religious liberty, when there will be a readjustment of 
new standards and new relations. The visionary and 
impractical theories born of the first French Revolution, 
and transplanted to this continent by Jefferson and San- 
tander, had to be given a fair trial. The trial is now 
over, and the experiment has taught the people of both 
hemispheres a wholesome lesson. Both have already 
entered upon a new era, and, let us hope, upon a new 
national life destined to fully demonstrate to the world 
the practicability of free representative government. 

10 



CHAPTER XII 

SPANISH-AMERICAN " REVOLUTIONS " 

IN its ordinary sense, the term revolution is under- 
stood as indicating a popular uprising against some 
form of absolutism, or some fundamental change in 
the form of government, usually brought about by vio- 
lence. But in Latin-America, as we have seen, the 
word has an acquired local meaning. It is there em- 
ployed to indicate almost every species and degree of 
public disorder, and is generally synonymous with our 
words riot and sedition. Every local or general tumult 
is dignified by the name of " revolution," and every dis- 
satisfied politician is generally a " revolutionist." 

Another distinction must be noted if we would obtain 
a clear conception of what is usually meant by a South 
American " revolution." In other parts of the world, 
revolutions generally originate with the masses. They 
begin at the bottom and work upward. But in South 
America they almost invariably originate with the few. 
They begin at the top and work downwards. In other 
countries, a successful revolution implies fundamental 
changes in the form of government; in South America 
they rarely imply anything more than a change of 
administration or a redistribution of the public offices. 
In other words, a South American " revolution " is 
rarely anything more than a disorderly and violent 
contention among selfish politicians. There is seldom 
any real issue involved. Even in exceptional instances, 



Spanish- American "Revolutions" 147 

there have been few resultant changes other than modi- 
fications in the fundamental or statutory law ; the form 
of government has always remained republican, at least 
in name. 

Nor can it be truthfully said that even these modifi- 
cations and changes of the fundamental law have been 
along lines that were unrepublican in principle. In 
themselves considered, the laws are seldom essentially 
bad. The difficulty lies in their inadequate and unfaith- 
ful administration. Generally, there is no such thing 
as an independent judiciary; for, like every other de- 
partment of government, the judiciary is inseparably 
allied with " machine politics," and therefore within the 
domain of the " spoils system." A judge is seldom 
chosen by reason of his learning, or his supposed fit- 
ness for the position ; the position is sought for the 
man, not the man for the position. And as he holds 
his place by short and uncertain tenure, and must be 
careful not to offend the political " bosses," his opinion 
is worth little more than the whereases and resolves of 
a town meeting. 

South American " revolutions " are either local or 
general. They are said to be local when the state or 
provincial offices are in dispute, and to be general when 
the federal offices are involved. In both cases, the pre- 
text is usually some real or fancied irregularity at the 
polls, or some alleged failure of the federal administra- 
tion to redeem its party pledges. In neither case are 
the masses in the least interested, for, as a rule, they 
care little or nothing about politics. They generally 
vote as they are directed by the " bosses," and are 
quite indifferent as to who shall fill the little offices. 
The commercial and financial classes are almost equally 
derelict. They seldom attend a primary, and rarely 
vote at a popular election. The whole machinery of 



1 48 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

government is abandoned to the professional politicians. 
The party managers or " bosses " usually get together 
and "fix up the slate," as we would say; a packed 
primary ratifies the arrangement, and this, in turn, is 
ratified by the form of an election at which perhaps less 
than ten per cent of the property holders ever attend or 
vote. Even on extraordinary occasions, when there is 
something like a full vote, there is rarely a fair count. 
The result is that the defeated candidate seldom acqui- 
esces in the result. 

He usually begins by issuing what he calls a " mani- 
festo," wherein he charges irregularities and frauds at 
the election, sets forth his own and his friends' particu- 
lar grievances, predicts the speedy downfall of the 
Republic unless these wrongs are summarily righted, 
and winds up with an impassioned appeal to the " patriot- 
ism " of the country. If he happens to be a man of ready 
tongue (and whoever saw a South American politician 
who was not?), he is apt to have a substantial following, 
and in due course will become the leader of an organ- 
ized faction. He collects a few muskets and machetes} 
assumes the title of " General," and very soon finds him- 
self at the head of a little band of guerillas ready for 
business. 

But inasmuch as he is always a " patriot," who, like 
the eccentric gentleman of La Manche, seeks only to 
right the wrongs of others, he considerately defers active 
hostilities till after his demands are formally made known 
to the existing government. As a result, a "peace 
conference " is usually appointed, made up of " plenipo- 
tentiaries " chosen by each party. Negotiations and 
protocols, propositions and counter-propositions, follow. 

1 The machete is a. large heavy knife, from eighteen inches to two feet 
long ; in peaceful times it is used as an axe or pruning blade, in war 
times as both sword and bayonet. 



Spanish- American "Revolutions" 149 

If these result in some satisfactory agreement, the " rev- 
olution " is declared off; the "outs" are in some way- 
provided for, and the peones who constitute the rank and 
file of the insurgent force return, unpaid, to their humble 
abodes. If, however, the negotiations fail, then the 
fighting begins without further notice. And, in either 
case, the national Government dare not interfere. It 
must observe the strictest " neutrality." It cannot inter- 
pose even for the preservation of public order. Its only 
duty is to await the result of the " negotiation " or of 
the armed conflict, and then recognize the de facto local 
government as " the legitimate authority." 

Such is the local " revolution." It may become 
general in a variety of ways. Some adjacent " sov- 
ereign state," member of the national Union, or the 
government of the Union itself, may fail to observe 
strict neutrality ; or the quarrel over the state offices 
may have some indirect bearing upon the Presidential 
succession; or the balance of political power between 
the " sovereign states " may seem likely to be disturbed 
by it ; or there may be some real or fancied interposi- 
tion on the part of the national Government. Any one 
of these contingencies, not to enumerate others, may 
result in a " general revolution," which, if successful, 
is usually followed by an era of "constitutional re- 
forms," and, if unsuccessful, by a period of military 
rule. 

These " revolutions " have their comic as well as 
tragic side, and whether comic or tragic are always 
unique and peculiar to the country. Take the method 
of recruiting, for example. In none of the Spanish- 
American Republics, with possibly one or two excep- 
tions, and these of very recent date, is there anything 
corresponding either to the militia system of the United 
States, or to the conscript system of Europe. The 



150 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

volunteer bounty system is likewise unknown. The 
standing army consists of a few skeleton regiments of 
ill-paid privates and hordes of generals and other com- 
missioned officers, who are invariably politicians. They 
may resign whenever they like, for others are always 
ready to take their places. To fill up the rank and file 
as emergencies arise, the government relies entirely 
upon impressments. Recruiting officers scour the 
country, lasso in hand, or lie in wait for the simple- 
minded aldeauo at the market places, and catch peones 
very much in the same manner that a Texas herdsman 
lassos his cattle. The " revolutionary " leader adopts 
the same method ; and between the two, the docile and 
simple-minded Indian rarely escapes. Once caught and 
put into the army, he knows only obedience. He is 
easily drilled, and rarely fails to make a good soldier. 
He is stupidly indifferent to bodily danger, and will 
stand up and shoot and be shot at without flinching. If 
taken prisoner, he is at once enlisted in the ranks of his 
captors, and will fight quite as well there as he did on the 
other side. If he is killed while on the winning side, 
some show of provision is usually made for his family. 
If he falls while fighting on the losing side, his family 
are expected to make no complaint. If he survives the 
strife, he returns unpaid and half naked, but quietly 
and peaceably, to his humble home, never seeming to 
realize that he has been badly treated. Almost any 
other human being, in any other country, would, under 
like circumstances, become an outlaw and a desperado. 
But the native Indian of the Andes accepts his hard lot 
without even an audible murmur. 

Nor is he the only victim of the disorders incident to 
these perennial " revolutions." Take the usual " war 
contribution," for example, which is, of course, only 
a polite name for robbery. When horses, mules, sad- 



Spanish- American " Revolutions " 151 

dies, blankets, cattle, and provisions are wanted they are 
seized without leave or ceremony ; the pretext being 
either " military necessity " or alleged " sympathy " 
by the victim with the enemy. If the sufferer can 
establish his " neutrality," he may obtain some kind of 
a voucher, though often of very remote and uncertain 
value. If the seizure is made by the successful party in 
the contest, there may be a small but long delayed 
indemnity; if made by the unsuccessful party, com- 
pensation is never expected. Resident and transient 
foreigners, who are wise and prudent enough to pre- 
serve an attitude of strict neutrality, are seldom dis- 
turbed. Generally their property rights are respected 
by both factions ; and when this is not the case, and 
their claims are properly presented, compensation, or 
at least the promise of it, is usually made when peace 
is restored. But, unhappily, amid the exciting scenes 
of disorder, resident foreigners sometimes have opin- 
ions of their own, and are apt to express them ; and 
when this is not the case their very silence may be 
construed into covert hostility to one or the other fac- 
tion. In any case, there is always a batch of foreign 
reclamations to be adjusted, many of which are not 
only inequitable but manifestly fraudulent; and to sift 
the good from the bad, generally becomes the duty 
of an arbitral Commission, appointed by the two 
governments. 

The forced loan, or emprestito, as it is called in the 
language of the country, is a still more serious matter. 
It is a favorite scheme of both sides for raising ready 
money, and if a citizen is reputed to be wealthy, his 
chances of escape are very narrow. His first assess- 
ment may range anywhere from five to thirty thousand 
dollars, according to his supposed ability to pay ; and 
this is liable to be duplicated many times over before 



152 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the war closes. The exaction is almost certain to be 
repeated by the adverse faction whenever it gets the 
person assessed in its power ; for the very fact of his 
compliance with the first demand, however reluctant, 
becomes a convenient pretext for assessing him as " a 
sympathizer " with the enemy. 

The person assessed is generally allowed a reasonable 
length of time in which to raise the money, nor will he 
be imprisoned or maltreated so long as he shows a dis- 
position to pay. But if he tries to evade payment, or 
if payment be unreasonably delayed, off to jail he goes 
without ceremony or trial. If, in order to avoid im- 
prisonment, he conceals himself or flees from the coun- 
try, his property, real or personal or both, is seized and 
sold to satisfy the assessment. If, to avoid arrest and 
imprisonment, he shuts himself up in his residence 
and claims the inviolability of private domicile as guar- 
anteed by the Constitution and laws of the country, he 
soon discovers his mistake. An armed squad of soldiers 
will be stationed at the doors and windows of his dwell- 
ing, and both he and his family made prisoners in their 
own house. All egress or ingress is rigidly prohibited. 
Not even a servant or the family physician is permitted 
to pass in or out. Of course it is only a question of 
time when the whole family is starved into capitulation. 

It is a very common thing in such times for wealthy 
natives to seek asylum in one of the foreign legations ; 
and in some cases this has been incautiously granted, 
even by American ministers. Of course such action on 
the part of a foreign representative is wholly indefensi- 
ble. It accords neither with the traditions of our own 
government nor with modern international law. Asylum 
can be given only in cases where life, not property, is 
in imminent peril ; and then only during an exceptional 
emergency. The moment the emergency is past, the 



Spanish-American " Revolutions " 153 

right of asylum ceases. And yet we once came peril- 
ously near getting into a disgraceful war with one of the 
South American Republics because our President, who 
was a candidate for re-election, sustained the resident 
minister in his unwarrantable action in opening the 
legation to natives who sought merely to save their 
property. 

It sometimes happens, as I have intimated, that these 
ever-recurring public disorders rise to the dignity of real 
revolutions in which vital principles are involved. Thus 
the Revolution of i860, in Colombia, although originat- 
ing in personal ambition, terminated in a radical change 
of the constitution. Church and state were separated, 
and perfect freedom of conscience was guaranteed. But 
the reform was too radical, and too far in advance of 
public sentiment, to be permanent. It was, besides, 
too proscriptive to be in harmony with its professed 
object, which was the complete political equality of all 
classes and conditions of men. The masses were flat- 
tered by the idea of an omnipotent democracy ; but they 
could not quite understand why all ecclesiastics should 
be indiscriminately disfranchised as a class. The masses 
had always been taught to reverence the Church, and 
could see no necessity for its humiliation. At first they 
were not disposed to complain, possibly because they 
did not fully realize the significance of the change. 
But gradually it began to dawn upon them that the 
Church which they loved so well was being treated as 
an alien enemy. Taught as they had been to regard 
the marriage contract as a religious sacrament, they 
could not (Understand why a nuptial ceremony performed 
by the parish priest should be held a nullity by the civic 
authorities. Hence it usually required two ceremonies 
to satisfy the scruples of the contracting parties, — one 
by the priest to meet the wishes of the bride and her 



1 54 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

family, and another by the civil magistrate to satisfy the 
requirements of the municipal law. 

Another source of discontent was the system of public 
instruction by the state. The new constitution provided 
for the establishment of public schools in which the 
teaching of all forms of religious faith was practically 
prohibited. Very soon the clergy, backed by a latent 
public sentiment, began to denounce these schools as 
" nurseries of infidelity" and " seminaries of the devil " ; 
and finally attendance was forbidden on pain of excom- 
munication. When it became manifest to the politi- 
cians that some compromise would have to be made 
with the Church, it was agreed that the public schools 
should be open one hour daily for religious instruction, 
to be conducted by some accredited priest. This ar- 
rangement worked very well for a while, but other and 
more serious demands soon followed. The clergy, 
who had been steadily regaining influence, now ob- 
jected to a certain class of text-books which had been 
introduced into the schools, and to the generally irreli- 
gious character of the teachers. They complained, be- 
sides, that the one hour daily set aside for religious 
instruction was wholly insufficient. Finally, some of the 
bishops boldly demanded that all public schools in their 
respective dioceses be placed under the general super- 
vision of the Church. This demand was refused, and 
the general revolt of 1876 followed. 

In that short but destructive civil war the government 
won, but it was a physical triumph only. It lacked the 
support of a vigorous and healthy public sentiment. 
Peace had hardly been declared before factions began 
to arise among the victors ; and these soon developed 
into well-organized political parties. The Church party 
were shrewd enough to make a show of disbanding as 
a political organization, but held themselves in readiness 



Spanish-American "Revolutions" 155 

to affiliate with whatever faction might be in a position 
to offer the best terms. Their opportunity soon came. 
The federal Congress passed a law, of very doubtful 
constitutionality, authorizing the President to interpose 
the authority of the federal government " for the con- 
servation of public order " in certain states or provinces ; 
and when, in accordance with this provision, the Presi- 
dent sent some troops to quell a riot in the state of 
Santander, the whole state rose in revolt. In the civil 
war which followed, the Church party affiliated with the 
national government. The result was a signal triumph 
by the government party. Then came the era of re- 
construction. A new constitution was adopted, which 
abolished the dogma of " state sovereignity," restored 
the clergy to their former privileges of the ballot, 
lengthened official tenures, restricted the suffrage, made 
the judiciary permanent, and converted a loose con- 
federation of " sovereign states " into a consolidated 
Republic. 

The Revolution of 1870, in Venezuela, had a similar 
origin, and, in some respects, a similar outcome. It 
originated in mere personal ambition but ended in a 
change of constitution, and practically in a new form of 
government, though still republican in name. The 
President, though nominally an elective chief magistrate 
responsible to the people, was in reality an autocrat 
with more power than an Eastern despot. The federal 
Congress was composed of two Senators from each of 
the nine constituent states, and one delegate for every 
30,000 inhabitants, supposed to have been elected by 
the people ; but no Senator or Delegate ever took his 
seat or long retained his place, who was not agreeable 
to the Dictator-President or a willing instrument in his 
hands. 

/ 



CHAPTER XIII 

RIGHTS OF FOREIGNERS IN SOUTH AMERICA 

AMIDST the oft-recurring scenes of disorder and 
violence such as described in the preceding 
chapter, it is sometimes difficult to determine 
how far a friendly government is justified in interposing 
its authority for the protection of the persons and prop- 
erty of its citizens transient or domiciled in those coun- 
tries. Hitherto the government of the United States 
has been seldom able to fully satisfy its citizens on this 
point, even when those who invoked its protection were 
legally entitled to it ; and it has been still less able to 
satisfy a hysterical public sentiment stimulated by a 
class of so-called " citizens " whose right to invoke its 
power in their behalf is, to say the least, extremely 
doubtful. 

When a person presents himself at one of our lega- 
tions or consulates and claims protection as an Ameri- 
can citizen, the first thing to be determined is whether 
he is really a citizen ; and this is often a much more 
difficult problem than is generally supposed. Of course 
I employ the term " citizen " in its generally accepted 
sense as describing a person of either sex, and of what- 
ever condition, who owes allegiance to our government, 
and is entitled to its protection abroad. 

By the old English common law, the basis of our 
jurisprudence, a native-born subject or citizen, of what- 
ever class, owed an allegiance that was intrinsic, per- 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 157 

petual, and indestructible. It could not be divested by 
any act of his own, nor even by the act of his sovereign ; 
nor was it in the power of any foreign state, by adopt- 
ing or employing him, to dissolve the bond of his native 
allegiance. This slavish doctrine, one of the relics of 
the feudal ages, is now happily faded out of existence. 
But it was not abandoned by Great Britain until the 
year 18 14, when prisoners of war, claimed as British 
subjects and taken in the service of the United States, 
were unconditionally exchanged. Indeed, it was not 
formally and explicitly abandoned until fifty-six years 
later, when, in 1870, Parliament passed an Act declaring 
that a British subject ceases to be such on becoming 
duly naturalized in some foreign state. 

Our first attempt at a constitutional definition of the 
term " citizen " occurs in the amended Article XIV., 
adopted July 28, 1868, wherein it is declared that, 
" All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of 
the United States, and of the state in which they re- 
side." Up to that time, we searched in vain for some 
clear and authentic definition of the phrase " citizen of 
the United States." It could be found neither in our 
legislative annals nor in our judicial decisions, nor in the 
consentaneous action of any two of the three co-ordinate 
departments of the government. In its elements and its 
details, citizenship of the United States was as little 
understood, and as much open to speculative criticism, 
in 1 861 as it was at the foundation of the government. 
For about eighty years we had enjoyed the practical 
benefits of a national citizenship without knowing pre- 
cisely what it was. Experience had taught us neither 
the exact meaning of the term nor any very clear con- 
ception of the thing itself. In fact, we had practically 
denied its existence, while yet enjoying its benefits at 



158 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

home and demanding the protection incident to it 
abroad. Thus Jefferson and his political disciples had 
strenuously maintained that, in a strictly legal sense, 
there was not and could not be any such thing as citi- 
zenship of the United States ; that a person could be 
a citizen of the United States, only as he was such in- 
cidentally by reason of his being a citizen of some 
particular state of the Union ; and consequently, that 
a person born and residing in the District of Columbia 
or other territory of the Union, although in the United 
States and subject to its jurisdiction, was not a citizen 
of the United States ! And grotesque and absurd as 
this proposition now seems, it had been indirectly con- 
firmed by a decision of the federal Supreme Court. 1 
Even to this day, there are those who believe, or affect 
to believe, that Article XIV. of our Constitution was 
merely intended to make citizens of African freedmen ; 
that its provisions were partisan measures, incident to 
and consequent upon the old slavery question ; and 
that the true interpretation of the Constitution is still 
along the lines of the Jeffersonian theories of a century 
ago ! The truth is, however, that, although African 
slavery was the occasion, it was not the cause either 
of the civil war or the amended Article XIV. which 
followed. The real issue of that war was the integrity 
of the federal Union, the supremacy of the central gov- 
ernment, as against the assumed right of a particular 
state to secede from the Union, or to nullify the author- 
ity of the nation over its citizens. 

The provisions of Article XIV., therefore, reach, and 
were intended to reach, far beyond the incidents and 
consequences of the slavery question. They eradicate, 
as they were intended to eradicate, completely and 
forever, a pernicious political heresy which had vexed 
1 In the celebrated D red Scott case. 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 159 

us with doubts, and had periodically threatened our 
national existence. They establish a citizenship of 
the United States that is wholly independent of local 
or state citizenship, — thus completely reversing the 
Jeffersonian theory. For a person may now be a 
citizen of the United States without being a citizen of 
any particular state in the Union ; but no one can 
become a citizen of any particular state without be- 
coming a citizen of the United States. A citizen of 
the United States must " reside " in a particular state 
in order to become a citizen thereof; but in order to 
be a citizen of the United States, it is only necessary to 
have been born or naturalized anywhere within our 
national domain and jurisdiction. 

Another test of nationality, usually adopted by com- 
mercial nations, is that by the nationality of the father. 
In the Latin-American states the nationality of the 
mother fixes the nationality of the child born abroad 
or on the high seas. But the principle is the same in 
both cases. " By the law of nations," says Vattel, 
" children follow the condition of their fathers, and 
enter into all their rights. The place of birth cannot, 
therefore, in itself, produce any change in this par- 
ticular, nor furnish any valid reason for taking from a 
child what nature has given him." But, in adopting 
this rule our government made it a condition that the 
" rights of citizenship shall not descend to persons 
whose fathers never resided in the United States." 1 
Nor has our government ever strenuously insisted upon 
the allegiance of persons born of American parents in 
countries whose fundamental laws make the place of 
birth the sole test of nationality, at least so long as 
they remain in the country of their nativity. Thus by 

1 Act of Congress, Feb. 10, 1855, which, however, is merely an affir- 
mation of the old English common law. 



160 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the Colombian constitution all persons born in Colombia 
are Colombians ; whereas, a person born there of Amer- 
ican parents is by our law a citizen of the United States. 
But, so long as such citizen is voluntarily domiciled in 
Colombia, we do not claim his allegiance as against that 
country. If, however, he passes out into Venezuela, for 
example, or into some country other than Colombia, 
we claim his allegiance and award to him the corre- 
sponding protection. 

This is right, in principle at least. For it is manifest 
that the adoption of the test of nationality by the 
nationality of the parent, even in this modified form, 
logically requires the abandonment in a corresponding 
degree of the test by place of birth. Hence, in order 
to avoid possible conflict, our law of April 9, 1866, 
generally known as " the Civil Rights Bill," in declar- 
ing to be citizens " all persons born in the United 
States," adds the proviso that they be " not subject to 
any foreign power." Substantially the same principle 
prevails in the laws of both England and France. The 
English law, like our own, lays chief stress on the place 
of birth ; while in France, the father's nationality usually, 
though not always, determines the nationality of the 
child. 

It is sometimes important to know how or under 
what circumstances a citizen of the United States may 
be deemed to have changed his allegiance ; but, more 
particularly, how or under what circumstances a natu- 
ralized citizen of the United States may be deemed 
exempt from obligations resulting from his former al- 
legiance. These questions are constantly coming up 
for consideration in the administration of our foreign 
affairs. For although most European countries have 
either totally abandoned or greatly modified the old 
feudal doctrine of indelible allegiance, there are still 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 161 

conflicting theories of expatriation. Thus, while, by 
our law of July 27, 1868, expatriation is declared to 
be " a natural and inherent right of all people," by the 
laws of some other countries an emigrant incurs loss of 
civil rights in his native country, and (should he return) 
certain penal consequences, if the emigration took place 
without permission of the government. 

Again, there are still as many as four general systems 
of naturalization, and some of these are more or less 
conflicting. First, that by continuous residence for a 
stated period, renunciation of native allegiance, and 
oath of allegiance to the adopted country, as in the 
United States. Second, that by employment in the 
public service, residence for a stated period, oath of 
allegiance, and certificate issued at the discretion of a 
cabinet minister, as in England. Third, that by em- 
ployment in the public service or certificate from the 
government, as in Prussia. And, fourth, that by resi- 
dence for a stated period and certificate from the gov- 
ernment, without oath of allegiance, as in France. 
And, in addition to these general systems, there are 
exceptional methods of naturalization ; as, for instance, 
in the United States, by military or naval service, 
coupled with one year's residence ; or, as in England, 
by two years' actual service in the navy in time of 
war. Some of these conflicting theories have been par- 
tially reconciled by treaty; but there still remains suffi- 
cient diversity to give rise to ever-recurring disputes 
as to whether a naturalized citizen of the United States, 
on returning to the country of his native allegiance, is 
justly entitled to the protection of our government while 
there. 

To become a citizen of the United States, a foreigner 
must reside at least five consecutive years in the coun- 
try ; and, two years before applying for a certificate of 

ii 



162 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

naturalization, he must file a preliminary declaration of 
intention to become a citizen. In addition to this, he 
must take an oath abjuring all former allegiance and 
promising to support the Constitution of the United 
States. Before his final admission, he must prove, by 
at least two trustworthy citizens of the United States, 
that his residence of five years in the country has been 
continuous ; and he must also satisfy the court admit- 
ting him that, during this time, he has behaved himself 
as " a man of good moral character," attached to the 
principles of our Constitution, and " well disposed to 
the good order of the government." Finally, the 
country of his former allegiance must be at peace 
with the United States at the time of his admission, 
for a subject or citizen of a belligerent cannot transfer 
his allegiance. 

The incongruity in our existing legislation on this 
subject is, that it clothes petty local municipal and state 
courts with authority to grant certificates of naturaliza- 
tion. The judges of these tribunals, usually elected for 
short terms by universal suffrage, are not sufficiently 
removed from the influences of ward politics or local 
" bossism " to be independent. The result is that natu- 
ralization frauds have become the rule rather than the 
exception. To remedy this, our national or federal 
courts ought to have as exclusive jurisdiction in all mat- 
ters pertaining to the naturalization of foreigners, as is 
the power of Congress to legislate upon the subject. 

When an alien has fully complied with all the condi- 
tions named, and received his certificate of naturaliza- 
tion in due form, he is of course no longer a foreigner, 
but a free citizen of the United States. And so long as 
he remains in the country he is entitled to all the privi- 
leges and immunities of a native-born citizen. But it 
does not necessarily follow that he is on a footing of 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 163 

equality with the native-born citizen while outside the 
territory and jurisdiction of the United States ; for if he 
visits the country of his former allegiance, the protection 
to be awarded him therein by our government becomes 
complicated with other questions of natural rights which 
no civilized government can afford to disregard. Cer- 
tainly his change of allegiance does not discharge him 
from obligations and penalties which he may have in- 
curred before emigration. These remain ; nor is it in 
the power of the government of his new allegiance to 
absolve him from them. Hence he cannot be said to 
carry with him abroad all those rights and immunities 
which are the heritage of every native-born American 
citizen. 

There is a very common error of opinion on this point ; 
and, much to our discredit, this error has been incor- 
porated in a law of Congress. I allude, of course, to the 
Act of June 27, 1868, generally known as the " Expatri- 
ation Act" (already cited), which declares " the right of 
expatriation " to be " a natural and inherent one of all 
people" (meaning peoples) ; and it then proceeds to de- 
clare that. " all naturalized citizens of the United States, 
while in foreign countries, are entitled to, and shall 
receive from this government, the same protection of 
person and property which is accorded to native-born 
citizens." 

The inaccuracy of these declarations is manifest. In 
the first place, while the Act gratuitously assumes to 
speak for the whole human race, it omits to say how or 
under what circumstances this " inherent right " of all 
peoples may be exercised by American citizens. It 
fails to define " expatriation," or to say what is essential 
to its full attainment, or what shall be the evidence of 
its accomplishment. In the next place, the declaration 
that all naturalized citizens, while in the country of their 



i 64 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

former allegiance, are entitled to the same protection as 
native-born citizens of the United States, is grotesquely 
absurd, It is not in the power of Congress to change 
the law of nations ; nor can that body legislate for peo- 
ples outside the jurisdiction of the United States. The 
Act is therefore nothing more than a gratuitous expres- 
sion of opinion, and is not binding upon the President, 
who is charged by our Constitution with the administra- 
tion of our foreign affairs. No one questions the right 
of a government to denationalize its own citizens ; no 
one questions the right of a government to enforce within 
its own jurisdiction such laws as it pleases to make touch- 
ing the naturalization of aliens; but it has no authority 
to make a law binding upon other nations further than 
they may assent to it by treaty, or further than it may be 
in accord with established international usage. True, 
every free state may now legislate on the subject of ex- 
patriation and naturalization without inquiry as to the 
pleasure of other free states ; for the assent of the emi- 
grant's native country to his change of residence is no 
longer deemed necessary by the country of his adoption. 
But if the emigrant deserted the army or navy of -his 
native country, or if after having been conscripted he 
emigrated in order to escape service, or if he betrayed 
some public trust or committed some penal offence 
before emigrating, it will hardly be contended that his 
change of citizenship extinguishes his obligations or 
satisfies the legal penalties of his conduct. So long as 
he remains in the United States it is discretionary with 
our government to give him up or retain him ; but 
the moment he voluntarily passes beyond our jurisdic- 
tion and enters that of his former allegiance, that dis- 
cretion ends. He must then accept the consequences 
of his own act. These principles are so generally con- 
ceded in all our public treatises on the subject, and are 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 165 

so generally recognized by all civilized nations even in 
the absence of treaty stipulations, that they are no longer 
matters of dispute. 

The records in our State Department show that in 
nearly every instance where our government has been 
accused of failure to protect its adopted citizens abroad, 
the alleged victim was either a person of doubtful 
nationality, or had incurred obligations under a former 
allegiance that were not extinguished by his change of 
citizenship. And yet it is precisely this class of so- 
called " citizens " who are the most importunate in their 
demands for protection abroad, who are the readiest to 
make complaint if their unreasonable demands are not 
instantly complied with, and who by misrepresentation 
and falsehood, or through the ignorance or inexperience 
of the minister or consul, sometimes succeed either in 
placing our government in an untenable position abroad, 
or in creating a senseless clamor at home. 

Under our existing legislation there is no adequate 
remedy for these abuses. It is true that our State De- 
partment has uniformly held that where, by the laws of 
their native country, these pseudo-American " citizens" 
were never expatriated by being naturalized in the 
United States, or where they assume duties or perform 
acts compatible with their former allegiance and in- 
compatible with their acquired citizenship, they must 
be deemed to have absolved our government from all 
obligation to protect them. But this is precisely what 
seldom happens. By our treaties with most European 
countries, and by the laws of all the Spanish- American 
states, expatriation is accomplished when naturaliza- 
tion takes place ; and since it is the primary object of 
these persons to shirk the duties and obligations of 
citizenship in both countries, they are generally very 
careful not to leave room for an inference of intention 



1 66 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

to resume their former allegiance. And so it comes 
about that while living beyond the jurisdiction of our 
government, without ever having really identified them- 
selves with it, without ever having contributed anything 
to its support, and often without being able to speak 
our language, they successfully invoke the power of our 
government in furtherance of their selfish and dishonest 
purposes. 

An efficient remedy for this common evil is possible 
only in some well-digested scheme of legislation. There 
ought to be some clear and explicit declaration by Con- 
gress of the conditions under which citizens of the 
United States shall be deemed to have expatriated 
themselves ; and it is equally important that, when a 
person presents himself at our legations and consul- 
ates, and demands protection on the plea that he is an 
adopted citizen of the United States, he should be re- 
quired to produce some more conclusive evidence of 
his right to claim it than that afforded by a mere cer- 
tificate of some petty municipal magistrate or county 
court judge. 

The nationality of married women has been another 
source of international dispute. We have no law de- 
fining the status of American women married to aliens ; 
and in every country except where the old English 
common law prevails, the nationality of a woman on 
marriage merges into that of her husband. She loses 
her own nationality and acquires his. And this rule 
now prevails even in England, the common-law rule 
having been superseded by the statute of 1870. But in 
the United States the old common-law rule still pre- 
vails. A foreign woman married to an American citizen 
acquires her husband's nationality, while an American 
woman married to a foreigner retains her own. Living 
with her husband abroad, even in the country of his 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 1 67 

allegiance, she is nevertheless technically a citizen of 
the United States. She may have acquired her hus- 
band's nationality, but she does not thereby necessarily 
lose her own. She thus owes a dual allegiance, and our 
law is powerless to relieve her of possible embarrassment. 

True, it has been said that Article XIV. of the Con- 
stitution, and the so-called "Expatriation Act" of 
Congress, already referred to, change the common-law 
rule. But this is at least doubtful. The Expatriation 
Act merely asserts the abstract " right " of expatria- 
tion ; it does not go beyond this and point out how 
this " right " may be converted into a fact. It is also 
true that an American woman married to an alien and 
living in her husband's country is beyond the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States ; and this, under the provisions 
of Article XIV., has been supposed to deprive her of 
American citizenship. But our male citizens reside 
abroad for purposes of business or pleasure without 
thereby losing their nationality, and the rule is supposed 
to be of uniform application to all citizens, male and 
female. Both owe a temporary and qualified allegiance 
to the country of their residence ; but if the one does 
not thereby forfeit the right to claim protection by our 
government, why should the other? Manifestly, the 
old common-law rule is still in force ; and if it be desir- 
able to place ourselves in accord with other nations on 
this point, there is but one way to do it, namely, by an 
Act of Congress repealing the common-law rule and 
making the nationality of the wife to follow that of her 
husband, and to change as he changes his. And if this 
should cause American women to be a little cautious 
about contracting matrimonial alliances with titled and 
impecunious foreigners, perhaps that might be urged as 
an additional reason in its favor. 

The average North American, living in a large coun- 



1 68 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

try and accustomed to go where he pleases unchal- 
lenged by provost marshal or military sentinel, has a 
natural aversion to anything like a passport. He seems 
to take it for granted that he will have the same liberty 
abroad that he enjoys at home ; and that, if he should 
happen to get into trouble, our ministers and consuls 
will have no difficulty in accepting his ex-parte state- 
ment that he is an American citizen. Hence he can- 
not see the necessity of carrying a passport issued from 
the State Department. But while such a passport may 
not be a necessity, it is always a very great convenience, 
and it may save him much annoyance. A passport is 
the highest evidence of his nationality, especially when 
properly vised by the consul at the port of disembarka- 
tion. In Spanish-America, where travel is generally 
free and unrestricted, he will rarely have occasion to 
use it, except in time of " revolution." But he will 
certainly need it then ; and since " revolutions " are 
liable to occur at any time, he should never visit those 
countries without a passport. 

Passports can be issued at home only by the Secre- 
tary of State, and in a foreign country only by the ac- 
credited diplomatic representative. A passport issued 
by the government of any one of our states is simply 
worthless. Even a consul-general or consul has no 
authority to issue a passport, except in countries where 
we have no diplomatic representative ; and a mere cer- 
tificate of citizenship, whether given by a minister or 
consul, is irregular and invalid. The passport must be 
in regular form, and can be issued only to bona fide 
citizens. A mere declaration of intention by an alien 
to become a citizen, although made in good faith, and 
under due form before a competent tribunal, even after 
the requisite five years' residence, does not make him 
a citizen. He must have been regularly admitted, and 



Rights of Foreigners in South America 169 

that fact must be duly certified by the judge of the 
court which admitted him, before he is entitled to a 
passport as a citizen of the United States. A passport 
is good for two years only. It then expires by limita- 
tion. But on presentation at any of our legations 
abroad it will be taken up and a new one for two years 
more issued by the minister. If the citizen neglects to 
take out a passport in the United States, he can always 
get one at any of our legations, provided he can satisfy 
the minister that he is a bona fide citizen of the United 
States, and therefore entitled to it. But this is always 
more difficult than it is to identify himself at home ; 
consequently it is always the safer and better plan to 
procure a passport before embarking for a foreign 
country. 



CHAPTER XIV 

COLOMBIA AND ITS POSSIBILITIES 

THE present Republic of Colombia is bounded 
on the northwest by the Caribbean sea and 
the free state of Costa Rica; south and south- 
east by Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, and Venezuela; and west 
by the Pacific ocean. We thus outline an irregular- 
shaped area of more than 500,000 square miles, which 
extends from the equator northward to a little beyond 
the 1 2th parallel, and from the 7th to the 82d meridian, 
comprising a country larger than France and Italy 
combined. 

The Caribbean coast line is about 1,400 miles; that 
on the Pacific nearly 2,000. Both are marked by 
numerous inlets, bays, and gulfs, and have many deep 
and commodious harbors ; and both are contiguous to 
a number of beautiful and fertile islands which con- 
stitute part of the national domain. Very few of these 
islands are as yet inhabited ; and perhaps it is safe to 
say that less than one quarter of the area of the main- 
land is occupied by actual settlers. 

The topographical features of the country are varied 
and interesting. There are ranges of high mountains, 
broad and deep valleys, rolling steppes, elevated plains, 
icy paramos, and snow-capped sierras, — all interspersed 
with great rivers, fresh-water lakes, and rapidly running 
streams. In the language of Baron Humboldt, the tour- 
ist needs but a " thermometer and a mule " to find any 



Colombia and Its Possibilities 171 

climate within the compass of a few leagues. When he 
tires of the torrid heats of the deep valleys, the frozen 
regions of the sierras are just in sight. When he has 
had enough of perpetual spring on the tablelands, he 
can, by a few hours' ride, readily find autumn on the 
steppes above, or summer in the valleys below. 

The most extensive and fertile of the numerous table- 
lands are those of Pasto, Popayan, and Tuquerres, in 
the department of the Cauca; Santa Rosa and Herveo, 
in the department of Antioquia ; Bogota, Ubate, and 
Simajaca, in Cundinamarca; Sogamoso, Tunja, and 
Chiquinquira, in Boyaca ; and Pamplona and Jerido, in 
Santander. The temperature on all these plateaux is 
that of perpetual spring, and the soil is exceptionally 
fertile. Two and three crops may be easily raised on 
the same ground within the year, and the planting and 
the harvest season may be in almost any month of the 
twelve. 

The great prairies, or llanos as they are known in the 
language of the country, are generally eastward of the 
cordillera of Sumapaz, and extend to the borders of 
northern Brazil and southwestern Venezuela. They are 
vast, treeless regions, but generally well watered and 
thickly matted with perennial grasses which afford ex- 
cellent pasturage. The soil is a black loam of im- 
mense depth, and needs but little cultivation to be 
even more productive than the plains of Louisiana and 
Texas. 

The great forests of the Republic occupy the valleys 
of the rivers, the coves of the mountain ranges, and the 
rolling steppes southeastward of the prairies. Many of 
these forests are so dense as to be almost impenetrable ; 
but nearly all of them, at least so far as they have been 
explored, abound with every variety and species of cabi- 
net and dye woods, and every medicinal plant known to 



172 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

modern science. The dense groves of bamboo alone 
would be a source of great wealth in countries where, 
as in China and Japan, that picturesque and beautiful 
plant is so extensively utilized in the arts and also as 
an article of food. 

The geologic formation of the country is generally 
igneous and metamorphic, except where it is purely 
alluvial, as in the deltas and valleys of the great rivers. 
The masses of the Cordilleras are granite, gneiss, por- 
phyry, and basalt. In many localities there are thick 
carboniferous strata which often crop out to the very 
surface, but are so generally broken and distorted by 
volcanic action as to be difficult to trace. In some 
places these volcanic disturbances appear to have been 
of comparatively recent date ; in others the subterranean 
forces are still actively at work, as for instance near 
Sogamosa and Villete, where the heat is so great as to 
sensibly affect the climate. Deep gravel beds of glacial 
origin are seen on the sides and foot-hills of many of the 
high mountain ranges, and in some parts of the Sierra 
Nevadas, as, for instance, at San Ruiz and Tolima, the 
frozen drifts are still doing their silent work. 

In some places, the larger rivers of the interior seem 
to have cut their way through whole mountain ranges, 
as, for instance, near Tunja and Velez, and also on the 
western verge of the plateau of Bogota. At Tunja and 
Velez, the Sogamosa river appears to have become the 
outlet of a series of highland lakes which must have 
existed up to within a comparatively recent geologic 
period. And so also at Tequendama, twenty-eight miles 
from the national capital, where there is every indication 
that the rupture of the mountain was an event of 
perhaps less than ten centuries ago. Here the waters 
of the plain break through a deep and narrow fissure, 
plunge over a precipice more than 650 feet high, and 



Colombia and Its Possibilities 173 

thence descend in a series of smaller cataracts to a deep 
cano in the torrid plains of Anapoime and Tocaime. 

I have already had occasion to refer to some of the 
principal rivers of the isthmus. 1 Besides these, how- 
ever, mention should be made of the Bayano (or Chepo, 
as it is perhaps more frequently called), which flows into 
the great shallow Bay of Panama; the Darien, or San 
Miguel, which flows into the gulf of the same name ; and 
also the San Juan, which has its outlet in another part of 
the Gulf of Darien. On the Atlantic or Caribbean side, 
the principal river is the Atrato, which, after a course 
of some 300 miles, flows into the gulf of Uraba. At 
Quibdo, some 220 miles from its mouth, the Atrato is 
more than 850 feet wide, and from eight to twenty feet 
deep. Thence upward, some 32 miles to San Pablo, the 
rise of the current averages only about 3J inches to the 
mile, and light draught steamers may ascend with little 
difficulty. The impression which one receives while 
exploring this valley is that it was once, and at no very 
remote period, an estuary of the sea, the waters of which 
broke upon the foot of the cordillera; and the fossil- 
iferous rocks near the headwaters of the Tuya, on the 
opposite side, seem to indicate that, not a great many 
centuries ago, the whole country was submerged by the 
Pacific ocean. 

The fact is generally overlooked that the great Ama- 
zon river waters Colombian soil for a distance of nearly 
600 miles, and forms, in part, the boundary line (or what 
»s claimed to be such) between Colombia and Brazil, 
and likewise between Colombia and Venezula. And it 
is, perhaps, as generally overlooked (except by the 
British authorities in Guiana) that the great Orinoco 
and its affluents are navigable far into the southeastern 
plains and valleys of Colombia ; and that the possession 

1 In Chapter I. 



174 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of that fluviatile highway means easy approach, not only 
to central and southeastern Venezuela, but to a portion 
of Colombian territory as large as the states of Virginia 
and Ohio combined. 

The territory of Colombia is peculiarly rich in 
minerals. From the borders of Costa Rica to those of 
Venezuela, there is hardly a department, or even a petty 
prefecture, in which gold has not been discovered in 
greater or less quantities ; while in the remote interior 
departments and prefectures of Choco, Antioquia, 
Tolima, Mariquita, Popayan, Ocana, and Bucaramanga, 
there are gold deposits which experts have pronounced 
to be equal if not superior to those of California forty 
years ago. Small diamonds have been found in many 
localities, and in others sulphate of mercury is known to 
be abundant. There are several, as yet only partially 
developed, silver mines ; and the great coal-beds near 
Cali are said to extend beyond the western cordillera to 
within a few miles of the Pacific shore. Veins of bitu- 
minous coal and rich iron ores crop out to the very 
surface around the edges of the plain of Bogota; and 
the same is true of Pacho, some leagues beyond. Near 
Rio Hache, on the Caribbean coast, are apparently 
inexhaustible beds of the best cannel coal. Rock salt 
abounds in the foot-hills around the plateaux of Bogota, 
Tunja, Pamplona, and Tuquerres. Sulphur, alum, mag- 
nesia, and asphaltum are found in various places. The 
great emerald mines of Muzo are famous the world over. 

In those parts of the Republic where the altitude is 
from two to four thousand feet, the coffee plant is indig- 
enous. The celebrated Chimbi estates, in the remote 
interior of Cundinamarca, are said to produce the most 
delicately flavored coffee in the world. None of this, 
however, nor in fact any of the better grades of Colom- 
bian coffee, ever finds its way to the United States. It 



Colombia and Its Possibilities 175 

is always bought up early in the season, sometimes 
long before harvest, for the European markets. In the 
tierras calientes, or " hot districts," cacao, bananas, 
yucca, arracaha, sugar-cane, indigo, tobacco, vanilla, 
and rice are among the staple products; while in the 
intermediate regions wheat, barley, oats, potatoes, and 
many of the other cereals and vegetables common in 
the north temperate zone are successfully cultivated. 

Within a single day's journej' one may find the four 
seasons, and all the vegetable peculiarities of the three 
zones. In the deep valleys are all varieties of the tropi- 
cal flora, and the sugar-cane and plantain are indigenous. 
On the elevated plateaux we find maize, wheat, potatoes, 
peaches, pears, and the other products of the temperate 
zone. On the bleak paramos we find the wild potato 1 
and nearly all the coarse grasses and stunted shrubs 
commonly seen in the high latitudes of the north. And 
farther up, we rarely fail to find the flora of the Arctic 
region. 

In the vicinity of Popayan we see the cinchona grow- 
ing to perfection ; higher up, at an altitude of 9,000 feet, 
are wax palms of enormous height; and still farther up, 
on the sides of the great frozen mountains, are the cedar 
and the balsam. In the lower valleys, the sugar-cane 
will continue in good condition without replanting once 
in a generation. In the region of Gachala the quin- 
quiana tree is indigenous ; and near by is the vegetable 
wax of southern Asia. In many parts of the country 
the arragao is a common growth, — a tree which yields 
an exceptionally brilliant rose-colored dye, which, when 
mixed with the juice of the yucca, becomes a glossy 
black. The so-called " sweet-milk tree," or leche miel 
(Lac melles adults), grows abundantly near Medina, the 
bark of which exudes a milk-like fluid utilized by the 

1 A species of the so-called " Irish potato," a native of the Andes, 



176 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Indians as an article of food. In many parts of the in- 
terior districts, the curriicai (Isica heleroplicla) is a com- 
mon growth. It yields a rosin that is very white, 
aromatic, and rich in turpentine ; and when heated over 
a fire, becomes a brilliant paste, similar in appearance 
to Burgundy pitch. On the banks of the Gazcuta River 
grows a tree called the necha (a species of the Fevilla 
tarrillo), the exudations of which are used in the suc- 
cessful treatment of cancers and tumors. The sarsapa- 
rilla (Smi/ax officinalis) is found in great abundance at 
altitudes of from one to three thousand feet. 

The fauna of Colomba is no less interesting. Among 
the native animals, we find the puma, jaguar, sloth, arma- 
dillo, cavy, tapir, and many varieties of monkeys, — 
nearly all, in fact, except the catarrhine species of 
southern Asia. In some regions, especially about the 
mountain coves on the outskirts of the plateaux, the red 
deer is not unusual. Black bears abound in many of 
the cordilleras. The tiger is found in many of the 
jungles of the lower valleys; and a large species of wild 
cat and panther inhabit the forests and jungles of the 
Magdalena and the Meta. The condor, or Andean eagle, 
is usually seen only at considerable altitudes. The poly- 
borus (known in Venezuela as the caracdra) is often 
seen about Guaduas, Ubaque, and Fusugasuga. Parrots 
of all varieties abound everywhere below altitudes of 
four and five thousand feet. In the valleys of nearly all 
the great rivers, but more particularly in that of the 
Meta, is a species of boa-constrictor similar to the great 
boa of India; and in some of the torrid districts are 
every species and variety of serpent life known in tropi- 
cal Asia. But I do not now remember ever to have 
seen a common snake in localities of over 7,000 feet alti- 
tude, or a black scorpion or a centipede at an altitude 
of more than four or five thousand feet above sea-level. 



Colombia arid Its Possibilities 177 

Such is the country as nature has made it, — pictur- 
esque, beautiful, and exceedingly rich and varied in un- 
developed resources. As yet, man has done very little 
for it, the greater part being still unbroken wilderness. 
Even in its most populous and civilized districts, as, for 
instance, on the great plateaux of Bogota and Tunja, 
agriculture is still in a very primitive state, the chief 
rural industry being cattle-breeding. The immense coal 
and iron beds have hardly been disturbed at all; and 
although there is an abundance of exceptionally fine 
water-power, there are almost no manufactories. With 
gold and silver mines, richer and more numerous than 
those of California or New Mexico, the average annual 
product of gold has been little more than $2,500,000 
during the past twenty-five years, while the average 
annual product of silver, during the same time, has been 
less than $1,200,000. The richest mines are in the 
remote interior, difficult of access, and without means of 
transportation ; consequently few or none of them have 
as yet been worked by modern machinery. But, despite 
these disadvantages, less than half a century ago, before 
the gold discoveries on our Pacific slope, Colombia was 
the first but one of all the gold-producing countries 
on the continent ; and it has been said, perhaps a little 
metaphorically, by a native writer, that " in Colombia 
one walks on gold, lives without effort on the indige- 
nous products of the soil, and is never anxious about a 
place in which to sleep." Be this as it may, there is 
only wanting labor and capital, a stable government, 
scientific appliances, and facilities for rapid and cheap 
inland transportation, to make Colombia one of the 
most productive countries, as well as one of the most 
desirable for residence, on the continent. 

The commercial possibilities of the country are almost 
incalculable ; and the time is probably not very remote 

12 



178 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

when this fact will be more fully realized by the great 
commercial powers of the world. As it is, Colombia's 
highest aggregate of exports, during any one of the ten 
years from 1881 to 1891, never exceeded $16,500,000 
in our currency, while the highest aggregate of imports, 
during any one year of the same period, was not more 
than $15,000,000. The reason of this is obvious. There 
are almost no means of interior transportation. Indeed, 
aside from what is afforded by the navigation of a few 
of the principal rivers, there are absolutely none. There 
are not more than a hundred miles of regularly operated 
railway in the whole Republic, even including the forty- 
seven miles across the isthmus. The entire transpor- 
tation in the interior is by pack mules and peones, just 
as it was three centuries ago. The people have been 
too much absorbed in local politics, and too generally 
occupied in civil wars, to pay much attention to internal 
improvements. 

As an illustration of the difficulties with which the 
commerce of the country has to contend, take, for ex- 
ample, a single bale of goods, shipped from New York 
to Bogota. In the first place, it must not be over 125 
pounds weight; otherwise its transportation may be 
indefinitely delayed after reaching the Colombian 
coast. This condition complied with, the bale, after 
a round-about voyage of twelve or fifteen days, arrives, 
say, at the port of Savanilla, where it is discharged into 
a clumsy barge, towed ashore 1 and placed in a ware- 
house. After waiting its turn, it is shipped thence by 
rail to Barranquilla, where it passes through the custom 
house, and is carted across the city to another ware- 
house near the river wharf. Here it awaits its turn for 
shipment by river steamer. It then makes a ten days' 

1 T.he recent extension of the Bolivar Railway, and the construction of 
an iron pier have obviated this particular difficulty. 



Colombia and Its Possibilities 179 

voyage of about 600 miles up the river to Las Yaguas, 
where it is discharged into another warehouse to await 
its turn for shipment by rail to Honda. At Honda it 
is again discharged into a warehouse to await its turn 
for shipment by railway some five or six miles to 
Arranca-Plumas. Here it is taken from the car and 
portaged on the backs of peons down a steep bank of 
the river, placed -on a ferry barge, and rowed across to 
the opposite side. It is then portaged on the backs 
of peons up another steep bank and placed in another 
warehouse, where it awaits its turn (some days, or pos- 
sibly as many weeks) to begin the tedious and toilsome 
journey on muleback to Las Manzanas, on the western 
edge of the great plateau. Here it finds still another 
warehouse, and has another resting spell before it is 
transported in ox-carts 1 across the plain to Bogota. It 
has been perhaps three months or more in making the 
transit from the port of original departure to the place 
of final destination, and the freight, insurance, storage, 
and commissions of middlemen and forwarding agents, 
and the mountain road-tax, amount in the aggregate to 
more than its original cost in New York. 

1 Quite recently by railroad. 



V 



CHAPTER XV 

THE ISLAND OF CURACAO 

ONE of the commercial outposts of the old 
Spanish main is the little Dutch island of 
Curacao. It is situated just off the Venezuelan 
coast, a few leagues from Puerto Cabello and Mara- 
caybo, less than twelve hours' sail from La Guayra, and 
about eighteen from Carthagena and Savanilla. Being 
so near these ports, and in constant communication with 
them for nearly three centuries, one would naturally 
suppose that the Curacaons and Spanish-Americans 
would have become more or less indentified in char- 
acter, language, and habits of life ; but so far from this 
being the case, the two peoples are about as dissimilar 
as those of Holland and Spain. In the one, we have 
the rudiments of the old Spanish civilization, with much 
of its mediseval romance, sentimental chivalry, stilted 
pride, and visionary conceptions of life. In the other, 
we have a mere fragment of old Amsterdam trans- 
planted on a barren island of the Caribbean ; a dull, 
plain, and prosy, but practical people, who retain much 
of the stolid conservatism and " wooden-shoe-oddities " 
of the Fatherland. 

The chief port and political capital of the island is 
Willemstad, more generally known abroad by the name 
of the island itself. The city, as Mr. William E. Curtis 
has somewhere said, " has all the appearances of a fin- 
ished town, though none of the evidences of dilapida- 



The Island of Cura^o 1 8 1 

tion and decay usually seen in cities that have stopped 
growing." As first seen from the upper deck of the 
steamer, at a distance of some miles, its general aspect 
suggests the idea of a conspicuously clean but some- 
what ill-arranged oriental toy-shop. The houses are a 
confused jumble of adobe and red tile. You perceive 
no open spaces, and wonder whether there are really 
any streets. The little blocks of houses appear to have 
been set up at random, and painted in all the varied 
colors of the rainbow, though yellow seems to be the 
favorite. There is not the slightest pretension to archi- 
tectural proportion or beauty, and nothing like harmony 
or uniformity. " Great dormer-windows peer out upon 
the most unexpected places, and gloomy-looking ware- 
houses raise three and four stories beside little flat- 
roofed shops and cottages that remind you of antiquated 
Dutch ovens." Crow-step gables and tall ill-propor- 
tioned towers shoot up into the air like inverted stair- 
ways, and massive tile-covered enclosures of stone or 
adobe often rise to the very eaves of the little flat 
cottages. 

The streets, when you get near enough to see them, 
are quite a study. Mr. Curtis has described them as 
" beginning anywhere and leading nowhere." As you 
traverse them, " you can never be quite sure whether 
you are making a circuit of the town or are going to be 
suddenly headed off by some high adobe wall." You 
start out for a stroll on what appears to be one of the 
principal thoroughfares, and the first thing you know 
you are hemmed in between high walls in some gentle- 
man's back lot. If you start in almost any given direc- 
tion, you are liable to become bewildered in the maze of 
narrow lanes and alleys, and after a walk of a few min- 
utes to find yourself near the place whence you started. 
But there is one redeeming quality : these tortuous little 



1 8 2 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

lanes, dignified by the name of streets, are generally 
well paved and scrupulously clean. 

The island has changed owners many times, and has 
had a variety of masters ; yet, amid all its vicissitudes, 
it has steadily adhered to its old Dutch civilization. 
First discovered and occupied by the Spaniards in 1527, 
it was subsequently conquered and settled by the Dutch 
West India Company and remained a Dutch possession 
by the Treaty of 1648. In 1807 it was taken from the 
Dutch by the English, who eight years afterwards ceded 
it back to Holland, its present owner. In 1827, Wil- 
lemstad was made a free port and opened to the flags 
of all nations. Ever since then it has been a sort of 
inter-depot or free-distributing point of commerce be- 
tween the northern states of South America, the An- 
tilles, Europe, and the United States. It has likewise 
been a sort of smuggler's paradise, and has given the 
revenue officers of Venezuela and Colombia no end of 
trouble ; and for nearly half a century it has been a 
convenient resort for unsuccessful " revolutionists " of 
both those countries. 

The entrance to the harbor is a narrow frith not ex- 
ceeding four hundred feet wide, but of marvellous depth, 
and commanded on both sides by two massive forts. It 
would be quite impossible of entrance by a belligerent 
vessel, and it requires the nicest kind of sailing to get 
in, even with the friendly assistance of the port authori- 
ties. After passing the forts, the channel gradually 
widens a little before reaching a great oblong bay some 
miles inland. The channel, however, has a fine quay on 
each side, and affords safe anchorage for the heavi- 
est naval vessels. Only a few feet from the shore the 
depth of water is said to be hundreds of fathoms. 
Some years ago a heavy ocean steamer met with an 
accident here, and went down suddenly within less than 



The Island of Curatpao 183 

ten feet from the quay; yet such is the marvellous 
depth of the water that the smokestacks and spars of the 
sunken vessel were many fathoms below the draught of 
the heaviest naval vessels, which passed and repassed 
over the wreck without the slightest apprehension of 
danger. 

This deep channel divides the city into two sections, 
and until quite recently the only means of communi- 
cation between them was by boats and canoes. That 
is all changed now. Within the past ten years our 
former consular representative there, who in early life 
had been a seafaring man, conceived the idea of span- 
ning the channel by a movable pontoon. A heavy tug, 
a few flat-bottom boats, and a little pine lumber im- 
ported from our Georgia coast were the necessary 
materials. At a signal from the forts, the steam-tug 
swings the eastern end of the bridge around to the 
western bank, and leaves the narrow channel open. 
When the vessel passes in or out, as the case may 
be, the steam-tug replaces the floating bridge. Then 
drays and carriages and pedestrians resume their pass- 
ing and repassing, paying a few cents at the toll-gates. 
The gross receipts during any given month of the 
year average a snug little sum daily, and it is said 
that the enterprise has already made its promoter a 
wealthy man. I once asked a sturdy old Dutch mer- 
chant of the place why nobody had thought of this 
simple and inexpensive contrivance before. His reply 
was that, " Nobody ever imagined such a contrivance 
necessary or possible, until that Yankee consul of 
yours had already formulated his plans and built the 
pontoon." 

The soil of the island, in so far as it can be said to 
have any (for it is little else than alternate beds of coral 
and phosphate), is arid and non-productive. There is an 



184 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

old tradition that, at the time of its discovery by the 
Spaniards, early in the sixteenth century, the entire 
island was covered with forests of cedar and palms. 
One can hardly realize that this was ever the case. At 
any rate, we now see nothing but a few cacti and dwarf 
thorns. In some sections there is the nispera and a 
species of the citrus called the " sour orange." The 
nispera shrub resembles the crab-apple, and bears a 
most delicious fruit, which, however, is too perishable 
for transportation. The little sour orange, which is 
totally unfit to eat, is utilized in the manufacture of a 
delicious after-dinner cordial, known to commerce as 
curagao, — deriving its name from that of the island, 
though oftener than otherwise it is made in Amsterdam. 
Occasionally you will see a few long-neck collards which 
some thrifty Dutchman has somehow coaxed to grow in 
his garden without water or apparent moisture ; but you 
naturally wonder what possible use he is going to make 
of them ; for the leaves are as tough as leather, and even 
the little half-starved donkeys will not attempt to eat 
them. Even the hardy Bermuda grass, which is sup- 
posed to thrive almost anywhere in the tropics, cannot 
be made to grow here, and you never see any lawns or 
flower gardens. The ladies do sometimes force a few 
roses and pinks to grow in flower-pots ; but the soil and 
water necessary to their subsistence are both imported 
from the Venezuelan coast. 

The climate is hot, but dry and healthful. There 
are no malarial fevers, and such maladies as neuralgia, 
rheumatism, pleurisy, and consumption are unknown. 
Even " yellow jack," the common scourge of the 
tropics, cannot live here ; and about the only disease 
indigenous to the island is elephantiasis, or other forms 
of leprosy. These, however, are fearfully common, 
especially among the lower and dissolute classes. On 



The Island of Curasao 185 

the outskirts of the city is a large and well-appointed 
leper hospital ; but you rarely see a white patient 
among its numerous inmates. They are generally 
negroes or their mixed descendants, or the mixed de- 
scendants of whites and Indians originally from Vene- 
zuela and Colombia. 

Although one of the oldest maladies known to medi- 
cal science, there seems to be as little known of the 
causes which produce this dreadful disease of leprosy 
as there was thousands of years ago. From time im- 
memorial it has been prevalent in Asiatic countries; 
and something corresponding to it was found among 
the aborigines of the tablelands in South America at 
the time of the Spanish conquest. But whether it is 
produced by certain unknown conditions of the climate, 
soil and modes of life, or whether it is in reality a para- 
sitic disease and therefore contagious, is still a debat- 
able question. Perhaps the weight of authority favors 
the parasitic theory; but what produces the parasites? 
The disease, in whatever form manifested, is always 
found in connection with a minute vegetable organism 
which inhabits the tissues of the leper ; and this micro- 
scopic organism has never been found elsewhere than in 
the human body. It has never been discovered in the 
bodies of any of the lower animals, and never in 
the body of a perfectly healthy human being. Hence 
the formula, " Given the presence of the organism in the 
human body, we have the disease of leprosy; given 
disease, we have the organism." And the almost neces- 
sary inference is that the disease is contagious. Yet 
physicians who have made it a special study tell us that 
the transmission of the disease " is dependent upon 
certain physical conditions," and that oftener than other- 
wise these are the result either of climatic conditions or 
of heredity. So that, in reality, we seem to know very 



1 86 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

little about it, except that the disease, whatever it is, is 
generally considered incurable. 1 

Perhaps fully one half of the native population of the 
island are negroes and their mixed descendants; for 
negro slavery existed here as late as 1861, when it was 
finally abolished. But these freedmen, although invested 
with all the immunities of citizenship, were not given the 
ballot; for the Dutch are noted for their conservative 
ideas. They are fond of freedom, and once gave to 
the world a fine example of republican form of govern- 
ment ; but they are not given to rash experiment, and 
have little patience with modern " run-mad democracy." 
Qualified voters have a voice in the municipal govern- 
ment of Willemstad, and to this end there is both a 
literary and property standard ; but the government 
of the island is by a chief magistrate and a council 
appointed by the authorities of Holland, and respon- 
sible to the home government. 

The negroes and mulattoes do not differ in appear- 
ance or in average intelligence from those seen on the 
other islands of the West Indies, or in some parts of 
Louisiana and Mississippi ; but they are more civil and 
better behaved than those in either Hayti, Jamaica, or 
Saint Thomas. As a rule, they seem to be indolent, 
improvident, and shiftless, though there are a few well- 
to-do people among them. Their language is a curious 
jargon made up of corrupted Dutch, Spanish, and Eng- 

1 Quite recently there has been discovered in Venezuela a plant known 
to the native Indians as Tua-Tua, classified botanically as Jatropha 
gossypifolla, which is said to be a specific for leprosy. The plant grows 
in a dry, sandy soil, mixed with clay, to an average height of about four 
feet. Its leaves and stems are a beautiful purple. It bears a fruit about 
a third of an inch in diameter, which is covered with fuzzy, velvety hair, 
each pod containing three seeds, from which a strong oil is extracted. 
This oil is administered internally ; two ounces twice daily, diluted in 
water. The claim is, by those who have experimented with it, that it 
will cure an ordinary case of leprosy in less than three months. 



The Island of Cura^o 187 

lish words, quite unintelligible to foreigners. Even after 
you have succeeded in picking up a considerable vocab- 
ulary of their local dialect, you are often at a loss to 
understand them. They are proverbially civil and good- 
natured ; but although usually very scrupulous in the 
observance of the external forms of religion, they are 
generally oblivious of the seventh commandment. 

The whites are generally of Dutch origin, and their 
language is that of the Fatherland ; but most of them 
speak English, Spanish, and French equally well. They 
are noted for uprightness, honesty, and conservative 
methods in business transactions, but none the less 
quick to see and take advantage of a turn in the mar- 
ket. They are always busy at something or other, but 
never in a hurry about anything. They live comfort- 
ably, and even luxuriously when their means will allow, 
but never beyond their income, and seldom fail to " lay 
up something for a rainy day." They dress plainly 
but neatly, and are generally models of cleanliness in 
their personal habits. 

There are now very good but plain hotel accommo- 
dations in Willemstad. This, however, is a recent inno- 
vation. Fifteen years ago there were but two hotels 
in the place, and both were about equally bad. No 
matter at which you put up, you were sure to wish you 
had gone to the other. Before embarking at Savannilla 
I was told that it never rained in Curacao, that the 
extreme dryness of the atmosphere was a specific for 
neuralgia and rheumatism, and that a few weeks' so- 
journ there would effectually cure the most obstinate 
case of nervous dyspepsia. Well, the very first night 
after my arrival it rained as I never saw it rain before, ex- 
cept, indeed, at Panama, — for exception should always 
be made in favor of the average isthmian rain-storm. 
The windows of heaven seemed to have been suddenly 



i 88 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

opened, and for about six hours the rain came down 
in torrents. The tile roof of the hotel did not seem to 
be much in the way of the downpour, for very soon my 
apartments were completely flooded — and so, indeed, 
was every room in the house. The only dry spot about 
the premises was in a remote corner of the parlor, 
which served also as dining-room and business, office, 
and this was already occupied by the landlord and his 
family. Some one asked him why he did not repair 
his roof. " It rains too hard," was the laconic reply. 
"Then you'll probably go to work at it when the 
shower is over?" suggested one of the guests. " Oh, 
it has never rained here before in twelve years, and may 
not rain again in a lifetime," was his quiet response. 

However, every one seemed to enjoy the wetting. It 
was not yet five o'clock in the morning, but the streets 
were already full of people. Some had well-filled 
buckets and tubs ; others were strolling about appar- 
ently with no purpose other than to see how a little 
fresh water would feel ; for fresh water is indeed a rarity 
in Curacao. There is not a spring or brook or running 
stream anywhere on the whole island, and it rarely ever 
rains. Plenty of water is found by digging deep 
enough, but it is so loaded with saline matter that it is 
totally unfit to drink. Nearly every house has its cistern, 
but it is usually either entirely empty or the rainwater 
has become odorous and impure by long stagnation. 
People who are able to afford it import their water for 
domestic use from the Venezuelan coast, just as well-to- 
do people of Canton, in China, import their drinking 
water from Hong Kong. Those who cannot afford 
this luxury manage to live somehow — I hardly know 
how. Ice is brought here from Boston, stored in 
ice-houses, and retailed at enormous prices ; but half 
of the time there is an ice famine, and every time you 



The Island of Cura^o 189 

ask your host for a glass of ice-water you feel like 
apologizing. 

It has been said that in arid climates like this, peo- 
ple are proverbially amiable and good-natured. There 
is probably some foundation for this statement. At any 
rate, a man who is tortured with rheumatism or neu- 
ralgia rarely shows much amiability of spirit, though he 
may be constantly on the watch to curb his irritability. 
He sometimes passes current as a saint only because 
he happens to have a good digestion and sound nerves ; 
and dry climates are said to be promotive of these con- 
ditions. Be that as it may, the fact is, I never saw a 
more even-tempered and good-natured people than the 
Curacaons ; and the merchants and shopkeepers of the 
place are models of courtesy and politeness. You see 
no sour visages or scowling brows, as in Caracas, where 
every third man has a liver, nor hear any snarling or 
angry tones; and there has never been anything like an 
organized labor riot or " strike " on the island. There 
are no " sand-lot " politicians and cranky " reformers " ; 
and everybody seems to be satisfied with himself and on 
good terms with the world generally. 

The religion of the masses is the Roman Catholic, and, 
next to the government house, the cathedral is the 
largest and finest building in the city. With few excep- 
tions, the negroes, mulattoes, and quadroons are all 
Roman Catholics ; and the same is even more gen- 
erally true of the few whites and mestizos of Spanish 
origin. The Dutch of pure descent are generally 
Lutherans ; the few English who have homes here 
are almost invariably Episcopalians. Some of the 
best people of the place are Jews. There is, how- 
ever, a large white contingent who are described as 
Indifercntes, that is, persons who pay little attention 
to church creeds or religious forms, but who cannot, 



190 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

on that account, be classed as either infidels, atheists, 
or agnostics. 

Curacao, as I have intimated, is a convenient " point of 
observation " for Venezuelan and Colombian politicians ; 
and when a defeated " revolutionist " wishes to avoid 
disagreeable acquaintances at Caracas or in the Colom- 
bian coast cities, he generally manages to slip out and 
take up his temporary abode at Willemstad. When a 
Venezuelan statesman is out of a job, he comes hither to 
mature his plans before deciding whether his country 
needs his personal services ; so that the hotels and board- 
ing-houses of the place are usually more or less crowded 
with " Generals " out of commission, and " Doctors " 
without constituents, all anxious to serve their country. 
Even before Venezuela became independent of Spain, 
Curacao was a convenient asylum for those who had 
fallen under suspicion of the royal authorities ; and dur- 
ing the twelve years' war of independence, when mili- 
tary and judicial murders were of almost daily occur- 
rence at Caracas and Carthagena, Willemstad was often 
crowded with refugees. Generals Bolivar, Paez, Miranda, 
Sublet, and others of the patriot leaders, all spent much 
of their time here. It is said that General Guzman 
Blanco came here a penniless refugee before he be- 
came dictator of Venezuela and the wealthiest man in 
Spanish-America ; and that, during the twenty years of 
his iron rule, he always kept one or more confidential 
agents here to watch for and report any mischief that 
might be brewing. When he was overthrown by Dr. 
Rojas Paul, in 1889, another set of spies were stationed 
here to watch the movements of Guzman; when Paul 
went out of power and fell under the displeasure of 
Andueza, others were sent hither to watch the move- 
ments of Paul and Crespo. When Crespo came into 
power, in 1892, he had a trusted agent here to keep an 



The Island of Curasao 191 

eye upon the exiles of the defeated government, and to 
watch the movements of the disaffected of his own fol- 
lowers who had failed to get office ; when Andrade came 
into power, he kept a man here to watch the movements 
of Fernandez and Guerra; and when Castro became dic- 
tator, in 1899, he sent a man here to watch the move- 
ments, of his defeated rivals. 






CHAPTER XVI 

THE VENEZUELAN COAST 



1 



"^HE only parts of the American continent that 
Columbus ever saw were a few rods of the 
Venezuelan coast near the Orinoco delta, 
where he failed to land, and a portion of the peninsula 
of Yucatan, which he mistook for the eastern shore of 
China. He was, however, none the less the real dis- 
coverer of the New World, and therefore none the less 
entitled to give it a name. But following close in his 
wake came Ojeda, in 1499; and with Ojeda came one 
Amerigo Vespucci, an Italian pickle-dealer of Seville, 
who was not even a navigator. His highest naval rank 
had been that of boatswain's mate on an expedition 
which never sailed ; and yet " in this humbug-loving 
world he managed to baptize half the earth with his 
own dishonest name." 

After coursing along the portions of the Venezuelan 
coast which Columbus had discovered the year before, 
Ojeda passed out of the Gulf of Paria, proceeded 
westward along the mainland to Cumuna, — the oldest 
European settlement in Venezuela, — and thence to the 
great bay, or inlet, of Maracaybo. Entering this bay 
he observed on its half submerged shores an Indian 
village, the houses of which were built on piles to 
avoid inundation; and from its fancied resemblance 
to Venice, he called it Venezuela, or " Little Venice," 
a name which was subsequently applied to the whole 



The Venezuelan Coast 193 

country. Thus it came about that a mountainous 
region as large as Spain and Italy combined, was 
doomed to bear a name quite as inappropriate as that 
which the Seville pickle-dealer gave to the whole con- 
tinent, though it has the merit of being less fraudulent 
in origin. 

The waters of Lake Maracaybo cover a vast area, 
and have an average depth sufficient to float the heavi- 
est ocean steamers at all seasons of the year. The 
lake is connected by a narrow strait with the gulf of 
that name, and thence with the Caribbean by another 
strait some 20 miles long and about 5 miles wide. The 
entrance to the lake is, however, so obstructed by 
sand bars that only light draught vessels can pass in 
and out. The gulf itself is about 150 miles in extent 
from east to west by about 60 north and south. 

The city of Maracaybo, situated on the borders of 
this great lake, and now one of the most important 
commercial marts of Venezuela, was founded by the 
Spaniards as early as 1571, and was formerly a walled 
and well-fortified town. Its present population is some- 
where in the neighborhood of 40,000, and comprises 
every shade of color, from the jetty African to the 
blond and blue-eyed German. Besides being the natu- 
ral outlet and market of the vast and productive region 
of western Venezuela, Maracaybo is the most available 
port for a large portion of eastern Colombia, and per- 
haps fully half of what is known in our markets as 
" Maracaybo coffee " is really a Colombian product. 

Many years ago — nobody knows just when or why 
■ — Maracaybo got a very bad name abroad. It was 
called " a sickly place," and one European writer 
(who had possibly seen it once for an hour or so) 
pronounced it " the graveyard of earthly hopes and 
fears." Of course he could know very little about it, 

13 



194 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

and like others, merely reiterated an opinion current 
among those who knew quite as little of the place. 
The implication is that it never really deserved this 
bad repute, or, if it ever did, that it deserves it no 
longer. And this, I think, is true. The rate of mor- 
tality is really less there than at Caracas ; and yet 
Caracas enjoys, but perhaps not quite deservedly, the 
reputation of being " an earthly paradise." The aver- 
age temperature at Maracaybo is about 80 degrees 
Fah., which, in this humid atmosphere, is quite oppres- 
sive; but the city itself is not unhealthful. It is situ- 
ated on a sandy plain where there is less malaria 
and yellow fever than at many of the other Caribbean 
ports. 

Still, foreign writers, taking their opinions second 
hand, persist in calling it "a sickly hole"; and I recall 
an amusing incident illustrative of this persistent preju- 
dice. A western politician of some local prominence, 
who had long been pressed upon the attention'of our 
State Department for a consular position in South 
America, was finally nominated and confirmed as con- 
sul to Maracaybo, much to the disgust and discom- 
fiture of the incumbent, who wanted to retain his 
place. The new consul arrived at his post in mid- 
summer, and became the guest of his predecessor 
whom he was about to relieve. Discovering a metallic 
coffin in an obscure closet of his bedroom, he inquired 
of his host next morning why such an article of furni- 
ture should be there. The host was profuse in his 
apologies, but added by way of explanation that such 
things were not unusual in Maracaybo, especially dur- 
ing " the fever season, which," said he, " is just now 
setting in " ! The new consul took the return steamer 
for New York, leaving his predecessor undisturbed. 

Eastward from Maracaybo, far around the great pen- 




,4fP^^^ 



The Venezuelan Coast 195 

insula of Paraguana, and but a few miles south of the 
arid Dutch island of Curacao, is the quaint old town of 
Coro, — one of the oldest European settlements on the 
continent, having been founded in 1527. It was the 
capital of the province of Venezuela as late as 1576, 
and is now the capital of the state of Falcon, one 
of the constituent commonwealths of the Venezuelan 
federal Union. The town is beautifully situated near 
the Caribbean coast, at an elevation of over 100 feet 
above sea-level, and has a mixed population of about 
10,000. Its chief articles of export are coffee, choco- 
late, tobacco, castor beans, timber, and dyewoods. It 
is a place of some historic interest also, for it was 
here where General Miranda offered his first armed 
resistance to Spanish misrule at the beginning of the 
long struggle for independence. 

Further to the eastward, about midway between Coro 
and La Guayra, and nearly opposite the little Dutch 
island of Bonaire on the north, is the important sea- 
port town of Puerto Cabello, one of the most beautiful 
and picturesque places on the Caribbean coast. Puerto 
Cabello is one of the finest harbors in the known world, 
and is said to have derived its name from a saying of 
the old Spanish navigators, that " a vessel is safe here 
anchored by a single hair." It has been said also — 
and repeated often enough to gain general credence — 
that somewhere beneath the placid waters of this mag- 
nificent harbor " repose in a leaden coffin the mortal 
remains of Sir Francis Drake, the great English free- 
booter, who, after a long career of brutality and crime, 
died here of yellow fever in December, 1595." Such is 
the generally accepted tradition. But, like many others 
that have been adopted as authentic by those who write 
books about South America, the story will have to be 
spoiled. Drake was never anywhere in sight of the 



196 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Venezuelan coast in 1595. It was not he who crossed 
the mountain near La Guayra and sacked Caracas, as 
has been so often alleged by careless writers. That 
brutal outrage was committed by another English free- 
booter of less note, named Preston. Drake did visit 
the northern Bahamas early in the winter of 1595 ; but 
there is no evidence that he was ever at or near Puerto 
Cabello during that year. He died at sea in December 
of that year, but was buried in the Caribbean, many 
leagues from the Venezuelan coast. 

The city of Puerto Cabello is situated on a long, 
narrow peninsula at the foot of a high range of moun- 
tains, and is connected by railway with the beautiful 
little city of Valencia, some forty-eight miles distant in 
the interior, and thence by the waters of Lake Valencia 
with Cura and other important inland towns. It has 
an abundant supply of pure fresh water, several beauti- 
ful little parks, wide and well-paved streets, a number 
of modern-looking houses, and is now well lighted by 
electricity. The mean temperature of the place is 
about 80 degrees Fahrenheit. The present popula- 
tion is about ten thousand. It is the market of export 
for the states of Carabobo, Lara, and Zamora, three of 
the most productive commonwealths of the Venezuelan 
federal Union. The exports are mainly coffee, choco- 
late, indigo, tobacco, hides, cabinet timber, dyewoods, 
and, formerly, considerable quantities of cotton. It is 
one of the historic spots on the Caribbean coast, and 
many are the strange and weird sixteenth century 
legends which cluster about it. It was a rendezvous 
of the old buccaneers, and less than a hundred years 
ago was successfully defended against an assault by the 
British fleet commanded by Commodore Knowles. It 
was here, also, during the war of independence, that 
General Paez made his marvellous night attack on Cal- 



The Venezuelan Coast 7 197 

zado, the royalist chief, and forced the unconditional 
surrender of his entire army. 

La Guayra, the seaport of the capital of the Republic, 
some sixty-five miles eastward from Puerto Cabello, is 
situated on the very verge of the waters of the Carib- 
bean, and is overshadowed by a mountain some 8,000 
feet high, which separates the port from the city of 
Caracas. The distance, in a direct line, between the La 
Guayra and Caracas is less than seven miles ; the actual 
distance by railway, and also by the cart-road, is nearly 
thirty. Baron Humboldt has somewhere said there is 
but one place in the world that can rival La Guayra for 
the grandeur of its scenery, and that is Santa Cruz de 
Teneriffe. The great peak of the coast range of moun- 
tains, visible to mariners ninety miles distant, rises al- 
most perpendicularly from the water's edge, leaving 
very little room for a town of any kind. What town 
there is, consists of one and two story houses of the 
sixteenth-century pattern, scattered some two miles 
along the edge of the shore, and extending at right 
angles a few rods into the little coves of the mountain, 
or clustered about on the benches and crags of the cliffs 
above. Far up on the side of the mountain, overhang- 
ing the business part of the city, is the old Spanish fort 
of early colonial times, which the genius of Charles 
Kingsley has made classic; and on the next bench be- 
low, is the old amphitheatre or bull-ring. 

The harbor of La Guayra is an open roadstead of 
crescent shape, and those who knew it prior to 1890 
will not readily forget the inconvenience and danger of 
disembarking. The swell of the sea was often so great 
that boats would drop down twelve and fourteen feet 
below the stair-landing of the steamer, and, as the re- 
turning waves tossed the boat upward, the anxious 
passenger had to make a fearful leap, and be quick 



198 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

about it. Sometimes passengers had to be placed one 
at a time in a chair, hoisted over the side of the 
ship, and then lowered into the restless little boat far 
down amid the bulging waves. Freight had to be dis- 
charged in the same way; and it sometimes happened 
that the little boat would be swept to one side by a roll- 
ing wave just as the winchman was ordered to " let go," 
and the burden would drop down into the depths of the 
sea. 

This is all changed now. A concession for building 
a breakwater was granted to an English company as 
early as 1885. Work was commenced in December of 
that year, and by the close of the next year, the break- 
water was completed at a cost of nearly $5,000,000. 
The great wall, built of stone and cement, is over two 
thousand feet long, and wide enough for a double-track 
railway. It shelters a surface of deep water covering 
about eighty acres, and the heaviest sea-going vessels 
now steam around its western extremity, drop anchor in 
smooth water, and land passengers and freight without 
inconvenience. It is needless to add that this great 
work completely changed the appearance of the place 
and revolutionized the business of the port ; for 
although the company's charges are a heavy tax on 
commerce, nobody ever complains, and the increase in 
the volume of trade has been marvellous. 

It was Humboldt, if I mistake not, who gave La 
Guayra its bad reputation for unhealthfulness. That 
was nearly a century ago, but people abroad still think 
of La Guayra as Humboldt described it, — that is, as " a 
deadly place." The truth is, however, it never really 
deserved that bad name ; and at present it is one of the 
heathiest localities on the Caribbean coast. The 
extremes of temperature range from 74 degrees 
Fahrenheit in winter, to 94 degrees in summer; and 



The Venezuelan Coast 199 

whilst there are sporadic cases of yellow fever at 
nearly all seasons, the disease seldom becomes epi- 
demic, and if taken in time yields readily to medical 
treatment. The atmosphere, though hot and parching, 
is singularly free from malaria; and the climate is 
regarded as a specific for neuralgia, rheumatism, and 
many of the forms of throat disease common in the 
more elevated and cooler regions of the interior. 
Indeed, after several years of somewhat close acquaint- 
ance with the place, I have been forced to the conclu- 
sion, quite contrary to my first unfavorable impressions, 
that La Guayra is, at all seasons of the year, a much 
more healthful locality than Caracas. And yet nearly 
every one (except those who really know the two 
places) will tell you that Caracas is " an earthly para- 
dise," while La Guayra is " a graveyard." 

On the narrow sandy beach, some three miles east of 
La Guayra (and now connected with it by railway), is 
the picturesque little town of Macuto, a fashionable sea- 
side resort which is usually crowded with visitors from 
the capital during the winter months. Macuto, unlike 
any other town on the old Spanish main, is quite mod- 
ern in appearance. It has wide and well-shaded streets, 
beautiful little parks and flower-gardens in which play 
fountains of pure mountain water. Many of the cot- 
tages are quite attractive, and there are several small 
but decent little hotels. It has both sea and fresh- 
water baths, and the promenade on the beach reminds 
one somewhat of our own Newport. 

The little town of Maiquetia, noted for its groves of 
stately palms and streams of fresh mountain water, is 
some two miles west of La Guayra, and is the coast 
terminus of the old colonial mule road to Caracas. 
Like Macuto, it has recently become quite a resort 
for invalids and pleasure-seekers from the capital dur- 



200 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

ing the winter months, though it is very much less 
attractive. 

Some 25 years ago, the narrow mountain trail con- 
necting the capital with the coast was superseded by a 
roundabout cart-road ; and this, in turn, was superseded 
by the still more roundabout narrow gauge railway. 
The railway, originally an American enterprise, is now 
owned and controlled by British capitalists. It was 
completed in 1883, at a cost of nearly $100,000, per 
mile, and its necessary running expenses are enormous ; 
yet so great has been the traffic over it that the little 
road never fails to pay a handsome dividend to the 
stockholders. The average grade is something over 
4 per cent, with scarcely twenty yards of perfectly 
straight track anywhere on the whole line, and there is 
a tunnel or deep culvert every few hundred yards. 
Winding zigzag up the steep side of the mountain to an 
altitude of over 3,000 feet before losing sight of the sea 
below, it turns sharply round a dizzy precipice and 
enters the valley of Caracas from the west, having made 
a circuit of nearly thirty miles in order to overcome a 
distance of about seven. 

The first experience of a passenger over this road is 
novel and interesting. It is also very trying to persons 
of weak and unsteady nerves, who often experience a 
feeling usually described as " sea-sickness." At some 
places the train swings around the verge of a yawning 
abyss of perhaps 3,000 feet depth, where, if a valve should 
give way, or the locomotive should "jump the track," 
there would never be any necessity for a coroner's jury. 
Strange to say, however, there has never been an acci- 
dent on the entire line. Passenger trains never run at 
night, and during the day well-paid and trusty sentinels 
are stationed every few hundred yards from one end of 
the road to the other. Thus careful management has 



The Venezuelan Coast 201 

given immunity from accident ; and it merely illustrates 
the fact, now coming to be very generally recognized, 
that, in every instance, our frightful railway slaughters 
result either from a want of brains or from criminal 
carelessness. 

The beautiful and picturesque island of Margarita lies 
some seventy miles off the coast, nearly opposite the old 
town of Cumana. This was one of the islands discovered 
by Columbus during his third voyage, and was colonized 
by the Spaniards as early as 1524. It now has a mixed 
population of about 20,000, and is part of the state of 
Miranda, one of the constituent commonwealths of the 
Venezuelan federal union. The first view of the island 
from the sea is one of matchless beauty, but it will 
hardly bear closer acquaintance. The soil is arid and 
non-productive, and the inhabitants are exceptionally 
indolent, stupid, unenterprising, and improvident. But 
the climate is singularly heathful. There is never any 
yellow fever nor rheumatic or nervous ailments ; and a 
physician there, dependent upon an income from his 
practice alone, would certainly be in danger of starvation. 
The commerce of the island, which is tributary to that 
of La Guayra, consists of dried fish, salt, cassava, goat- 
skins, and a few domestic fowls. It was once celebrated 
for its pearl fisheries, whence its name. 1 But at present 
this branch of industry is confined almost exclusively to 
the contiguous little island of Coche, famous for its 
Spanish mackerel and red snappers. The average 
annual income from these pearl fisheries hardly exceeds 
$75,000; but this by no means represents the possibility 
of that industry. About 300 small boats are employed, 
but none of them are provided with diving apparatus, 
and consequently the deep-water pearl oyster is seldom 
disturbed. The native mode of fishing is quite primi- 
1 Margarita is the Spanish for " little pearl." 



202 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tive. Heavy metallic scoops or dredges are dragged on 
the bottom of the sea, and then drawn to the surface by 
means of cables and clumsy hand-windlasses. The few 
pearls thus obtained are generally of inferior quality, 
and are sold at low prices to small traders for the 
European markets. 

Just opposite the great delta of the Orinoco is the 
island of Trinidad, famous for its pitch lakes, whence is 
derived most of our asphalt paving material. Trinidad 
was so named by Columbus by reason of its three high 
mountain peaks, which he discovered from the masthead 
of his little bark in the midsummer of 1498. The island 
has long been a British possession, and has a mixed 
population of nearly 100,000. Port-of-Spain, its com- 
mercial and political capital, is one of the finest cities in 
the West Indies. Its sanitary arrangements are excel- 
lent, and although the temperature is very high, the 
place is comparatively healthful. The streets are wide, 
and well paved, and abundantly shaded. Many of the 
public and private edifices are large and handsome. 
The island has several fine harbors and many running 
streams of fresh water. 

The Orinoco delta, almost in sight, just across the 
gulf of Paria southward, consists of fifteen estuaries, only 
two of which are navigable by ocean steamers. These 
estuaries branch off from the river nearly a hundred 
miles above, and water an area of swamp and alluvium 
larger than the whole state of New Jersey. At many 
points near the coast, near these estuaries, are found 
rich deposits of bituminous coal, hitherto little disturbed. 
Above the delta, the Orinoco is navigable as far as the 
rapids of Atures, nearly a thousand miles inland from 
the coast. At a distance of 600 miles from the coast 
the river is fully three miles wide ; and at Angostura 
(now known as Ciudad Bolivar), nearly 400 miles from 



The Venezuelan Coast 203 

the coast, its average depth is something over sixty 
fathoms. The many navigable tributaries of this great 
river extend from the west and southwest far into the 
interior of Colombia ; others are in communication with 
the northern and eastern watersheds of far-off Brazil. 

East of the Orinoco, along the Atlantic coast as far as 
the mouth of the Essequibo river, and thence around to 
eastern borders of Brazil, lies an immense territory of 
marvellous natural wealth, known as Guayana, — now 
partitioned among various nationalities, although origin- 
ally owned by Spain. That portion lying between the 
Orinoco and the Essequibo rivers, has been in dispute 
between Venezuela and England for nearly eighty years, 
and prior to that had been a subject of controversy 
between Spain and Holland since the middle of the 
seventeenth century. 1 

Thus, " Little Venice," our nearest trans-Caribbean 
neighbor, has a coast line of over a thousand miles, 
exclusive of the late disputed territory east of the 
Orinoco ; and if we consider the sinuosities of bays and 
gulfs, the line will be extended to over 1,700 miles. The 
entire coast, from cape Gaojira in the west to the easter- 
most estuary of the Orinoco, abounds with fine harbors, 
many of which have available water communication with 
the interior ; and from which to our South Atlantic ports 
the navigable distance is not exceeding four or five 
days. 

There is now, and has been for some years past, a tri- 
monthly line of American steamers between New York 
and La Guayra, via the island of Curacao ; and, under 
a law of Congress enacted in 1891, these steamers receive 
a subsidy for carrying the mails. This has enabled the 
company to lower freight and passenger rates, and thus 
divert a large and profitable trade from European 

1 See infra, chaps, xxiii., xxiv., and xxv. 



204 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

markets. But the bulk of the Venezuelan trade is still 
with Europe, and is likely so to continue until our people 
more fully realize the importance of direct ocean com- 
munication between our South Atlantic and Gulf ports 
and those of the Caribbean coast; for there is really no 
reason other than that found in our own apathy and 
indifference, why this vast and profitable trade should 
not be diverted to Norfolk, Savannah, Brunswick, Tampa, 
New Orleans, and Galveston. 



CHAPTER XVIJ 

CARACAS AND ENVIRONMENTS 



1 



"^HREE thousand feet above the sea, less than 
seven miles in direct line from the coast, yet 
separated from it by mountain peaks which 
tower fully six thousand feet above its streets, stands 
" picturesque Caracas," the " little Paris " of South 
America, the political capital and literary centre of the 
Republic of Venezuela. 

The city is situated in the centre of the beautiful 
little Chacao valley, a deep basin in the eastern cor- 
dillera of the Andes, less than twelve miles long by 
four wide. Around this little valley stands a cordon of 
blue mountains and green foot-hills, fringed with coffee 
estates and sugar plantations; and coursing through it, 
north and south, is the rapidly running little river 
Guira, fed by limpid streams of pure mountain water. 
The spot is as beautiful as a picture ; the climate is 
equable and temperate ; the air is soft and balmy ; and 
a stranger, seeing the place for the first time, is apt to 
conclude that it must be indeed the " earthly paradise " 
it is sometimes represented. 

Near the western extremity of the valley, and only 
a few miles from the sources of the Guira beyond, 
stands the unique little village of Antemino ; unique, 
because it is one of the few places in Spanish-America 
which you fail to associate with the remnants of a for- 
mer age. In other words, it is comparatively a new 



206 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

place, and has a modern, up-to-date look. It is some- 
times called the "Little Tyrol" of Venezuela; perhaps 
not so much by reason of a fancied resemblance to the 
favorite villa of the unfortunate Marie Antoinette, as it 
is for having been the favorite country residence of 
every President of the Republic for more than a quarter 
of a century past. It is within easy distance of the 
capital, and is connected with it, and also with the town 
of Los Teques in the mountains beyond, by a modern 
steam railway. 

This railroad, by the way, is a German enterprise, 
and has been the source of perennial diplomatic dis- 
putes and international unpleasantnesses for the past 
decade. In a season of enthusiasm, when coffee crops 
were good, prices high, and the country was visited by 
one of those periodical debauches of prosperity so 
common in the western world, the government incau- 
tiously agreed to guarantee seven per cent annually on 
the capital necessary to the construction and equipment 
of the road, provided only that the cost should not 
exceed $100,000 per mile, and its net earning should 
fall short of a seven per cent. The calculation was 
that the road could be built for much less than $100,000 
per mile, and that when completed it would hardly fail 
to pay at least seven per cent on the amount invested. 
How little the government knew of the methods of 
modern railway companies ! The stockholders claimed 
that the road cost more than $100,000 per mile, not- 
withstanding it is narrow gauge and all the machinery 
and appliances had been imported free of duty; and 
that, when completed, it never paid actual running 
expenses. The outcome has been endless controversy, 
demands for the stipulated guarantee of seven per cent, 
interpositions by the German government, threats of 
customs seizure, one serious diplomatic rupture, and 



Caracas and Environments 207 

an uncomfortable burden upon the national treasury 
of the Republic. 

But to return to the Chagao valley. It is not quite 
so attractive on further acquaintance. You discover 
that the atmosphere is somewhat damp and malarious, 
and that mountain fevers, catarrh, liver complaints, 
and inflammatory rheumatism are common ailments. 
Thick fogs gather at night, during certain seasons, and 
hover over the entire valley till nine and ten o'clock in 
the morning ; and when these clear away, the sun shines 
out with uncommon power and sends the mercury up 
from sixty-five to seventy-five degrees. Between five 
and six in the afternoon, a steady gale sets in from the 
mountain passes on the northwest, hurling fogs and 
mists through the valley as through a funnel, and by 
seven the thermometer is down again to sixty-five or 
even lower. During the months of July, August, and 
September, the valley, and more particularly the city, 
is sometimes visited by a species of violent fever which 
occasionally becomes epidemic. It is not the genuine 
" yellow jack " of the coast cities, or rather such as we 
see in Havanna or New Orleans ; but it is something 
very near akin to it, and is often even more rapid and 
fatal in its results. It is known as la fiebre pemiciosa, or 
" pernicious fever," and is a genuine terror to unaccli- 
mated foreigners. Strangers liable to be affected by 
such epidemics should never come here in midsummer. 
If they come after November or before March, they 
may remain all the year without reasonable apprehen- 
sion ; but in any case they must live temperately, and 
avoid night drafts if they would keep well. 

There has been considerable discussion by the curious 
as to the origin of the name " Caracas." It is said to 
have been the name of a tribe of Indians who inhabited 
this valley at the time of the Spanish conquest, early in 



208 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the sixteenth century. The term is likewise applied 
to a native bird of prey, known to naturalists as the 
fyloborus, — a sort of cross between the vulture and the 
mountain eagle, and a terror to smaller and weaker 
birds. From a fancied resemblance of its harsh and 
disquieting notes to the sound of the caraca or rattle 
trap, used instead of the bells during the last days of 
Holy Week, the old Spaniards called this ferocious 
bird the Caracas. But I know of no explanation of this 
coincidence of name among peoples who spoke a dif- 
ferent language, and who were at the time supposed to 
be unconscious of each other's existence. 

In the year 1560, one Francisco Fajardo (or Faxardo) 
the illegitimate son of a Spanish adventurer by the 
daughter of an Indian chief, made the first attempt to 
found what is now the city of Caracas. He was, how- 
ever, soon driven from the place by a tribe of hostile 
Indians, and fled to the Spanish settlement at Cumana, 
where he was assassinated by one of his own country- 
men. Seven years later, Don Diego de Losada entered 
the Chacao valley with a strong military force, pitched 
his tents near the central plaza of the present city of 
Caracas, built a few houses, and called the place Santi- 
ago de Leon de Caracas, which in process of time 
became simply Caracas (with accentuated second 
syllable), and finally plain Caracas. 

The city is regularly laid out in blocks or squares of 
uniform size extending from the banks of the Guira, on 
the south, to the height of several hundred feet up the 
slope of the mountain, on the north. The streets are 
generally narrow, though somewhat wider than those of 
the average Spanish-American city, and are generally 
well paved with stone, macadam, or asphaltum. The 
sidewalks are barely wide enough to accommodate two 
pedestrians walking abreast, but are neatly overlaid 



Caracas and Environments 209 

with Roman cement and quite smooth. Near the 
Plaza Bolivar, the conventional centre of the city, two 
main thoroughfares cross each other at right angles, 
and extend toward the four cardinal points. These 
central avenues are designated as " North and South " 
" East and West " Avenues. All streets running north- 
ward from East Avenue are classified as " North 1st, 
3d, 5th," and so on, omitting the alternate even num- 
bers ; while all running northward from West Avenue 
are known as "West 2d, 4th, 6th," and so on, omitting 
the alternate odd numbers. A like classification is 
made of the streets running southward from North and 
South Avenues, omitting alternate even numbers on 
one side and odd numbers on the other. The houses 
are all carefully numbered in corresponding series ; so 
that when the name and number of any street or house 
is given, its exact position with respect to the central 
plaza is known at once. 

Methodical and convenient as this arrangement is, 
it seems never to have commended itself to the com- 
mon people ; perhaps only for the reason that it is 
of modern origin, for it was one of the " reforms " in- 
troduced by Guzman Blanco. The simple-minded peas- 
antry still adhere to the old Spanish colonial method 
of naming the corners at the street-crossings, and then 
designating houses as number so and so between such 
and such corners. Thus, if you direct a servant to go 
to "No. 25, North 2d Avenue," he will stupidly stare 
and affect not to understand you ; but if you say to 
him, " Go to No. 25, between the corners of Las Ybar- 
ras y Maturin" he will be off at once on his errand. 1 

1 Among the old names of the streets in common use as late as 1780, 
we find the following : Encarnacion del Hijo de Dios (" Incarnation of 
the Son of God "), Nacimiento del Nino Dios (" Birth of the Child- 
God "), Circuncision y Bautismo de Jesus (" Circumcision and Baptism of 

14 



210 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Carcacas, unlike most Spanish-American cities, 
abounds with public parks and flower-gardens. There 
are some twelve or fourteen altogether, and some of 
them are well kept and exquisitely beautiful. In the 
centre of nearly every one of them is a costly statue 
in bronze or marble, erected in honor of some popular 
hero or statesman of the country; and generally the 
plaza 'takes the name of the person whose memory is 
thus sought to be perpetuated. Thus we have the 
Plaza " Bolivar," Plaza " Falcon," Plaza " Miranda," 
Plaza " Guzman," and so on. About the only excep- 
tion is the Plaza Centenaria, or Centennial Square, in 
the southern part of the city ; and even this is more 
generally known as Plaza " Washington," from the 
circumstance that it is adorned by a life-size statue in 
bronze of our own Washington. It was erected as late 
as 1883, during the reign of Guzman Blanco, possibly 
in recognition of the fact that a very indifferent like- 
ness in bronze of General Simon Bolivar already 
occupied a conspicuous place in Central Park, New 
York. 

But the largest and most beautiful of these public 
gardens is the Plaza Mont Calvario. It occupies the 
crest of a mountain spur which projects into the city 
from the west side, and is made accessible by beautiful 
drive-ways which wind zigzag Up the acclivity amid 
dense groves of trees, bamboo, and choice shrubbery. 

Jesus "), Dulce Nombre de Jesus ( " Sweet Name of Jesus "), Adoration 
de los Reyes ("Adoration of the Kings"), Presentation del Nino Jesus 
en el Templo (" Presentation of the Child Jesus in the Temple "), San- 
tisimo Trinidad (" Holy Trinity "), Huida a Egypto (" Flight to Egypt"), 
El Nino perdido y hallado en el Templo (" The Child lost and found in 
the Temple "), Transfiguration del Sefior (" The Lord's Transfigura- 
tion "), Triunfo en Jerusalem (" Triumph in Jerusalem "), Santfsimo 
Sacramento ("The Most Holy Sacrament"), Ecce Homo (" Behold the 
Man"), El Santo Sepulcro ("The Holy Sepulchre"), El Juicio Univer- 
sal (" The Universal Judgment "), and many others of like import. 



Caracas and Environments 211 

The garden at the top commands a fine view of the 
entire city and valley; and in the centre, until quite 
recently, was a colossal bronze statue of Guzman 
Blanco, otherwise the " Illustrious American." Blanco 
was not exempt from the excessive vanity of a very 
puerile type, and never hesitated to erect brass monu- 
ments in honor of himself, nor to instruct a subservient 
Congress to give him extravagant and quixotic titles. 
When his power was broken in 1889, some students 
at the National University pulled down this mammoth 
statue, chopped and hammered it to pieces, and carted 
the fragments out of the city. Three years later, when 
the whole country was in a state of anarchy, and the 
beautiful capital at the mercy of a howling mob, some 
of these same young fellows were heard to express the 
wish that " old Guzy," as they called him, were back in 
the presidential chair again ! For, though martinet and 
tyrant that he was, he did succeed in preserving public 
order and decorum ; and it will have to be further ad- 
mitted that during the twenty years of his despotic 
rule there was a degree of material prosperity hitherto 
unknown in Venezuela. 

The new capitol, erected during Guzman's reign, 
occupies a whole square near the centre of the city. 
The building is a large and showy edifice, though some- 
what cheaply built of rather inferior materials. It occu- 
pies the site of an ancient convent which was pulled 
down after the triumph of the Liberals, or "Yellows," as 
they were called, in 1871. 

The building at present occupied by the National 
University had a similar origin, although the University 
itself is a corporation older than the Republic by nearly 
three centuries. The edifice occupies nearly the whole 
of an entire square. Prior to the year 1696, the Uni- 
versity had been a Theological seminary only. In 1721, 



2 1 2 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

it was raised to the category of a Royal Pontifical Uni- 
versity. There were then but nine chairs, all more or 
less connected with theology. Subsequently the chairs 
of medicine and jurisprudence were added. In 1784, 
there was added a professorship of philosophy, and 
later on one of mathematics. After the independence 
of the country had been achieved, General Bolivar, by 
decree of 1827, increased the professorships to twenty- 
four in number. At that time the institution was richly 
endowed, and enjoyed great independence. Its annual 
income from rents, from the products of its estates, 
and from other sources, was far in excess of current 
expenses. The rector, vice-rector, and professors were 
elected for the term of three years by a board of direc- 
tors ; and it had an academic tribunal of somewhat 
extensive jurisdiction. Only in matters of extraor- 
dinary moment did the government of the Republic 
presume to interfere. That is all changed now. After 
the great civic upheaval of 1870, the University was 
degraded by executive decree to a mere dependency of 
the Ministry of Public Instruction. The rector, vice- 
rector, and professors were named by the government, 
— that is to say, by the Dictator-President of the 
Republic, — and all salaries were paid out of the public 
treasury, which had become the trustee of the Univer- 
sity estates. Having thus fallen into the hands of the 
politicians, it is no marvel that this time-honored institu- 
tion, once the pride of the city and famous through- 
out the Southern hemisphere, should have so rapidly 
degenerated. 

Between the University and the federal capitol build- 
ings is a beautiful little park, or rather flower-garden, to 
which the " Illustrious American," so-called, gave his 
own name ; and in the centre of the grounds stood 
until recently an equestrian statue in honor of himself. 



Caracas and Environments 213 

It was a magnificent piece of art ; but it went down with 
all the other monuments of his greatness on that memo- 
rable October morning in 1889, when his power was 
overthrown by Rojas Paul, and not a trace of its exist- 
ence is now to be seen. 

Fronting the Plaza Bolivar eastward, stands a large 
two-story adobe building painted a bright yellow. This 
is the national executive mansion, generally known as 
la Casa Amarilla (" the Yellow House "), in compli- 
ment, perhaps, to the triumphant Liberal party of 1871, 
which was somewhat significantly called the party of 
" the Yellows." 

The federal council chamber stands directly opposite 
the capitol building on the east. The interior of this 
chamber is chiefly remarkable for a large and well- 
executed oil-painting which represents the signing of 
the Declaration of Independence of July 5, 18 1 1. The 
picture is gorgeously framed, and covers the whole 
north end of the chamber. The figures are large and 
lifelike. Even the writing on the painted scroll which 
represents the historic document seems almost legible, 
and you can almost fancy you hear the " gray goose- 
quill pen " scraping over the surface of the rough paper 
as the young and impetuous Yanez is in the act of 
writing his name among the first on the heroic list. 
Miranda stands just in front of him, fully six feet in his 
military boots, his head of thick bushy white hair con- 
trasting with his florid complexion ; and, in sympathy 
with the artist, you try to forget for the moment that 
Miranda was in reality a little bald-headed, orange-faced, 
insignificant-looking bantam of a man, far below the 
medium height. Near by him stands the scholarly 
Urbaneja, with a freshly nibbed goose-quill pen in hand, 
awaiting his turn to sign the portentous document. 
Older men among the signers, in knee-breeches, silver 



214 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

shoebuckles, powdered wigs, and all the frills and para- 
phernalia of the European court dress of the seven- 
teenth century, sit thoughtfully in crimson chairs, 
thinking, perchance, of the certain consequences to 
themselves and their families should they fall into the 
hands of the royalist chiefs. It is an inspiring and 
pleasing picture, and you reluctantly recall the fact 
that the whole scene is a fable, pure and simple. For, 
as a matter of fact, there never was any such meeting. 
No such signing of the declaration ever took place, 
either in general assembly or in committee room. The 
original paper was passed around from house to house, 
or from office to office, and the signatures were all 
privately obtained. A few months later, the paper dis- 
appeared very mysteriously, and no trace of it has ever 
been found ! The magnificent painting is therefore 
purely ideal, a mere projection of imagination upon 
canvas. The autographs were all taken from old let- 
ters, receipted bills, and other private papers. The 
whole scheme of the picture was an ingenious device of 
General Guzman's. The painting was made in Paris as 
late as 1883 ; the artist was liberally paid, by contract, 
from the public treasury ; and perhaps the average al- 
deano, who is seldom sceptical on such subjects, really 
believes that this imposing picture represents an his- 
torical scene. 

At the southeast corner of the Plaza San Jacinto (now 
the public market) stands the old colonial building in 
which Simon Bolivar was born. A century or so ago 
it was a somewhat pretentious mansion, the home of 
luxury and refinement. It is now used as a common 
warehouse, but still open to visitors. Even the identical 
room wherein the great Libcriador is said to have first 
seen the light of this world is carefully pointed out. 
The • place is greatly revered by all Caraquenians. 



Caracas and Environments 215 

Bolivar living was an object of envy and distrust; Boli- 
var dead is a memory of almost superstitious reverence. 
His portraits and statues are seen everywhere in Ve- 
nezuela. The gold and silver coins of the country all 
bear his profile; the monetary unit of the Republic 
is called by his name ; every national bank-bill and 
postage-stamp bears his picture ; and everything asso- 
ciated with his person while living is carefully collected 
and cherished. "The books which he read, the pens 
that he wrote with, the inkstands that he used, the knife 
and fork that he ate with, the boots and spurs that he 
wore, and even the brass buttons that adorned his mili- 
tary coat, are all objects of affectionate reverence." 
One naturally marvels that a people so grateful to his 
memory, and so proud of his fame, should so strangely 
ignore his counsels and become so totally oblivious of 
his repeated warnings against the evils of a licentious 
democracy. And yet we of the United States are little 
less inconsistent. We revere the name of Washing- 
ton, while, in contemptuous disregard of his repeated 
admonitions, we deliberately turn over the affairs of 
government to an irresponsible mob, or abandon our 
municipal politics to an alien rabble, — all in the name 
of " democracy." 

The Pantheon, a sort of Venezuelan Westminster 
Abbey, is situated on an eminence on the northwest 
corner of the Plaza Miranda, in the extreme northern 
part of the city. The building was formerly an old 
cathedral, but was fitted up for its present purpose soon 
after the revolution of 1870. Within its massive walls 
now repose the mortal remains of Bolivar and Miranda, 
Bello and Paez, Falcon and Vargas, Urbaneja and 
Yanez, and hosts of others little less famous in the 
history and literature of the country. Bolivar's tomb 
occupies the main altar, and is surmounted by a splendid 



216 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

statue in Parian marble. Some of his favorite books, 
and many of the personal ornaments that he wore, 
occupy an ornately finished glass case to the right of 
the altar; and both sides are embellished with marble 
tablets bearing the names and dates of his military 
achievements in the long war of independence. Regu- 
larly on each recurring anniversary of his birth, the 
doors of the Pantheon are thrown open, and the tomb 
is visited in great ceremony by all the officers of the 
government, attended by the resident representatives of 
friendly powers. 

Not far distant from the Plaza Miranda, down in a 
deep ravine on the banks of a rapidly running stream, is 
a giant tree (a species of the Bombax ceiba) beneath 
whose sombre boughs the early patriots of the Revolu- 
tion of independence were wont to hold their secret 
conclaves. Such is the commonly received story ; but 
it will hardly bear investigation. For the great tree, it 
seems, was planted there as a small sapling as late 
as the year 1832, — ten years after the political auton- 
omy- of the country had been formally recognized by 
the United States, and two years after the Republic of 
Colombia had fallen to pieces. 

Another story equally interesting, though somewhat 
incongruous with the preceding, is that the ravine it- 
self was made by the terrible earthquake of 181 2, which 
totally destroyed a large portion of the city. Most 
strangers who visit Caracas are the recipients of this 
interesting story, and I believe it has found place in 
some of the books and magazine articles written by 
those who write only for the public market. Unfortu- 
nately, however, for this bit of popular fiction, the 
ravine is spanned by an old stone bridge which, accord- 
ing to a now almost illegible inscription on one of its 
pillars, was erected by one of the old Spanish Colonial 



Caracas and Environments 217 

Governors-General nearly forty years before the great 
earthquake of 1812 ! 

The city boasts of a well-appointed theatre, an im- 
mense opera house, and a somewhat imposing Masonic 
temple. The last-named is an unusual sight in Spanish 
America; for, generally, wherever the Roman Catholic 
religion prevails to the exclusion of all other forms, 
there are few Masons and no gorgeous Masonic temples. 
But the power of the prelates was rudely shaken by the 
vigorous twenty years' reign of Guzman Blanco ; and 
Caracas has always been in closer and more frequent 
contact with the outside world than either Bogota or 
Quito. Aside from this, Guzman, who had lived much 
abroad, had imbibed many foreign ideas, and was never 
quite free from a suspicion of secretly entertaining 
French infidel heresies. At any rate, he had a sort of 
sneaking ambition to make his native city as much like 
Paris as possible ; and so he builded the handsome 
two-story Masonic temple at government expense. 

The little theatre building, centrally located near the 
Plaza Bolivar, is neat and commodious in its interior 
arrangement, and is a place of popular resort at all 
seasons of the year. The Grand Opera House, situated 
in the southern part of the city, is a more modern and 
pretentious affair. It is said to have cost nearly half a 
million dollars ; but one is puzzled to understand how 
even half that sum could have been expended upon it. 
It was another of Guzman's enterprises, and his enemies 
charge that he shared the profits of the contractors who 
built it. Be that as it may, the money, it seems, was 
paid out of the national treasury and charged up to 
the account of public works and improvements. Still, 
the new opera house is a credit to the capital, and 
would be an ornament to almost any city in the United 
States or Europe. Our first impression of it is that its 



2 1 8 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

size is out of all proportion to the population ; for one 
naturally wonders what practical use such an enormous 
auditorium can be in a city of less than 100,000 inhabi- 
tants. And yet it is occupied regularly three and four 
nights each week during the three winter months, by 
the very best opera troupes of Europe ; and on such 
occasions there is seldom an empty box or seat. Even 
the third gallery and the lobbies are usually crowded. 
The Caraquenians are a music-loving people, and all 
classes and conditions manage somehow to attend the 
opera. It is a very common thing to hear shoemakers 
and carpenters, stone masons and plasterers, stable- 
boys and street-car drivers humming some classic air 
which they have caught up at the opera during the 
week. 

In Caracas there are a great many church edifices, 
some of which are large and handsome. But one some- 
how gets the impression that they are not up to the 
standard of taste and excellence displayed in the struct- 
ure of the other public buildings of the city. Moreover, 
one can hardly fail to observe that the daily attendance 
at mass is smaller, in proportion to population, than in 
either of the other capitals of the five Bolivian re- 
publics. Perhaps the reason is that the men of the 
educated classes are, as a rule, either secretly or openly 
hostile to the Church. Some of them are avowed 
agnostics, others are sceptical, many more are merely 
indifferent. There is no Protestant element, nor ap- 
parently any room for any ; no spirit of theological 
inquiry; no disposition to discuss religious creeds; no 
formulated issues with the old Church; no open rup- 
ture : only a sort of secret dislike to all forms of 
ecclesiasticism and priestly intervention in the affairs 
of life. 

This indifference, however, is confined almost exclu- 



Caracas and Environments 2 1 9 

sively to the educated classes. The common people are 
devoted to the doctrines and dogmas of the Church. 
They may appear less reverent, and certainly less fanatical 
and intolerant, than those of Bogota and Quito ; but when 
you come to know them intimately, you will discover 
that they are not less disposed to accept without doubt 
or question the doctrines and teachings of the Church. 
They generally believe whatever the parish priest 
tells them. Their wonder may be excited, but their 
credulity is never staggered by any story, however 
extravagant, provided only that it is miraculous or 
supernatural. Their simple, child-like faith, so far from 
exciting derision, appeals to sympathy, and can hardly 
fail to excite admiration. We may not be able to fully 
enter into their feelings ; our conceptions of man's 
relations to God and to the spiritual world may be on 
a higher and more philosophical plane of thought, yet 
we can hardly fail to remember that forms of religion, 
like forms of government, are good or bad only as they 
are well or ill adapted to the present condition and 
wants of the. masses. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

"WHERE IS VENEZUELA?" 

IN December, 1892, a Western member of the United 
States Congress arose in his place and seriously 
asked, "Where is Venezuela anyhow?" This was 
pending a proposition to consolidate the missions to 
Venezuela and Guatemala, the impression being that 
the two republics were adjacent countries ! Another 
member, equally well up in geography, and equally 
enthusiastic in his advocacy of " economy," wanted to 
consolidate the missions to Venezuela, Ecuador, and 
Peru. It was during the same year that a St. Louis 
merchant wrote to our minister at Caracas to find 
out " the most available Venezuelan seaport on the 
Pacific." A cattle-dealer in Colorado had just" written 
to inquire " whether, in order to visit Maracaybo, it 
would be necessary to sail via Europe." And, soon 
afterwards, a tobacconist in Virginia wrote to ask 
" whether it would be advisable to ship samples via the 
isthmus of Panama ! " 

All these were actual occurrences, incredible as the 
statement may now seem ; and they are cited here 
only for the purpose of illustrating how little was 
generally known of that country prior to the intervention 
of the United States in the Anglo-Venezuelan boundary 
dispute in 1895-96. There had been complaints about 
the bulk of the South American trade going to Europe; 
but even some of our Congressmen, it seems, knew not 



" Where is Venezuela ? " 221 

whether Venezuela was north or south of the equator, 
or whether the capital of the Republic was on the 
Atlantic or Pacific seaboard. It was not till after 
the agitation of the Guayana boundary question that 
the mass of American readers discovered that Venezuela 
is our nearest neighbor but one ; that Caracas is less 
than eight days' travel from Washington ; that its prin- 
cipal seaport towns are only about six days' sail from 
New York, and less than four from Savannah and 
Charleston ; and that the capitals of Guatemala, Ecua- 
dor, and Peru are practically as far from Caracas as is 
Rome from St. Petersburg. 

A glance at any good map of the South American 
continent will show that Venezuela occupies its norther- 
most extremity; and that La Guayra and Cumuna are 
further north than the isthmian cities of Colon and 
Panama. The Republic is bounded on the west and 
southwest by Colombia, east and southeast by British 
Guiana, south by Brazil and Colombia, and north by 
the Atlantic ocean and the Caribbean sea. And if we 
care to make the calculation, we shall discover that 
" the little Republic " comprises an area of territory 
greater than that of either France or Germany, and 
greater than that of Italy and Spain combined. 

The peculiar topographical conformation of the coun- 
try affords almost every variety of climate within the 
compass of a few miles, and every species and variety 
of vegetal product common to the three zones of the 
earth. It is traversed by some of the largest rivers of 
the world, and abounds with great inland lakes of fresh 
water, often at altitudes which afford a temperate and 
equable climate. If we could take a bird's-eye view 
of the country, we should see dizzy ridges of snow- 
capped mountains, deep tropical valleys, rolling steppes, 
vast treeless plains, dense forests yet unexplored by 



222 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

civilized man, swamps and jungles inhabited only by 
reptiles and wild beasts, millions of domestic cattle 
grazing upon vast prairies, great coffee estates side by 
side with sugar and tobacco plantations, and auriferous 
districts richer in gold and silver and precious stones 
than those of California or Australia. 

Many of the large rivers are navigable by heavy 
steamers all the year round, and some of them traverse 
the entire Republic from side to side. Nearly a hun- 
dred of them flow, in circuitous courses, to the Carib- 
bean Sea ; as many more flow into the Gulf of Paria ; 
more than fifty disembogue into Lake Maracaybo ; and 
some half dozen others flow into the beautiful inland 
lake of Valencia. Few countries are so well watered ; 
few have so many fine harbors and navigable canos ; 
and perhaps none have such alternations of rich alluvial 
soil, upland forests, and mountains of mineral wealth. 
It is indeed strange that, in this material age, the possi- 
bilities of such a country should be a matter of such 
indifference to the industrial and commercial world. 

The chief river is the great Orinoco, which, with its 
two hundred tributaries and its twelve thousand square 
miles of delta, is the key to nearly a quarter of the 
South American continent. The river is to Venezuela 
what the great Yangstze is to China, what the Amazon 
is to Brazil, what the Magdalena is to Colombia, what 
the Mississippi is to the United States. One of the 
affluents of the Orinoco is connected by a natural chan- 
nel with an affluent of the Amazon ; another, starting 
from the eastern spur of the Imataca mountains, and 
flowing eastward through the coast region, connects the 
great Delta with the Moroco ; another, with its sources 
in the Chema mountains on the borders of Colombia, 
flows eastward through the heart of Venezuela and dis- 
embogues 400 miles above the head of the Delta, — 




m 







"^«-^*a»M!a& 



" Where is Venezuela ? ,3 223 

thus practically connecting the eastern and western 
extremities of the Republic by inland water navigation; 
another, with its sources in the great eastern cordillera 
near Bogota, connects the interior of Colombia with 
eastern Venezuela, and thence by the main channel of 
the Orinoco with the Gulf of Paria. 

Topographically, Venezuela is divided into three 
great natural belts or zones, which may be designated 
as the agricultural, the pastoral, and the forest belts. 
The best agricultural region lies between the coast and 
the great Parima range of mountains, — a vast and diver- 
sified area of deep valleys, elevated tablelands, and allu- 
vial flats. Here, every cereal common to both temperate 
and torrid zone of the earth may be produced. It is the 
home of the potato, of the cotton plant, of the coffee 
shrub, of the delicate indigo plant, of the orange and 
citron, of the perennial banana, or of the cereals of the 
north temperate zone, according to relative altitudes, 
and all within the compass of a few leagues. Within 
this belt are the seaport towns and the principal agri- 
cultural and commercial interests of the country; and 
it therefore goes without saying that this is the most 
populous and civilized portion of the Republic. 

The pastoral zone, extending from the Parima moun- 
tain range to the Orinoco and Apure rivers, consists of 
extensive llanos, or plains, where the pasturage is luxu- 
riant and perennial, and great herds of cattle are reared 
with little or no expense. Here the vast interest of 
cattle-breeding is under regulations similar to those in 
the grazing regions of Texas and Colorado ; and in a 
few years the frugal owner finds himself in possession 
of a handsome little fortune through the natural increase 
of his herds. 

The forest zone extends from the valley of the upper 
Orinoco to the northern limits of Brazil, and is, for the 



224 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

most part, an unsettled and comparatively unexplored 
country, traversed by great rivers and clothed with 
virgin forest. Here the native Indian has been hitherto 
comparatively free from the intrusions of the white set- 
tler, and still finds a congenial habitat in hunting-grounds 
that are seldom trespassed upon. The commercial 
products of this frontier region consist of copaiba, 
serrapeas, or " Tonca beans," vanilla, mahogany, and 
other cabinet woods. 

Although high mountains meet the eye in almost 
every direction, there are really but three well-defined 
ranges. The first to attract attention is the celebrated 
coast range, which extends from the vicinity of Lake 
Maracaybo on the west, to the Gulf of Paria on the 
east, and thence to within a few miles of the Essequibo 
estuaries. This range runs parallel with the Caribbean 
and the Atlantic shores, and attains its greatest altitude 
near the city of Caracas. Here the noted peak of 
La Silla (so-called from its fancied resemblance to a 
cavalry saddle) reaches up to the height of 8,622 feet 
above the sea-level. Just beyond, a few miles to the 
eastward, is the still higher peak of Naiguate, 9,180 feet 
above the sea, — the highest point of the Andes on the 
Atlantic coast. 

Running parallel with this coast range, and some 
seventy-five or eighty miles south of it, is the great 
Parima range, which forms the southern boundary of the 
agricultural zone. The highest peaks of this range are 
Penon-Maraguapa, Quinta, and Zamora, respectively 
8,202, 7,405, and 7,349 feet above sea-level. 

Nearly at right angles with these two ranges is the 
great eastern cordillera of the Andes, which, bending 
northward from the vicinity of Pamplona in Colombia, 
branches out into two dizzy ridges a few leagues to 
the. south of Maracaybo. One of these extends to the 



" Where is Venezuela ? " 225 

peninsula of Goajira, the other intersects the coast range 
near Puerto Cabello, and attains its greatest height near 
the beautiful little city of Barquisemeto, where it towers 
15,000 feet above the sea-level, and is covered with per- 
petual snow and ice. 

The snow limit in this region is at about 13,500 feet 
elevation, although, in exceptionally warm seasons, the 
snow and ice disappear temporarily at an altitude of 
14,500 feet. Of course at these great altitudes there is 
almost no vegetation ; but at the height of two and 
three thousand feet the climate is delightful and vegeta- 
tion abundant, the thermometer seldom falling below 65 
degrees or rising above 78 degrees Fah. This is the 
natural habitat of the best grades of coffee, and seems 
to be generally well adapted to the cereals and other 
products of the north temperate zone. Below an alti- 
tude of 1,800 feet, and thence down to sea-level, the 
temperature ranges from 78 to 94 degrees Fah. This 
is the natural home of the sugar-cane and tobacco 
plant, the chocolate bean and cocoa-nut palm, and all 
varieties of tropical fruits and flowers. 

The average annual temperature of any given locality 
is dependent, of course, upon its altitude. Thus at Ca- 
racas, 3,000 feet above sea-level, the mean temperature 
is about 70 degrees Fah. At Merida, 5,000 feet eleva- 
tion, it is about 60 degrees. At Barcelona, 42 feet eleva- 
tion, it is about 82 degrees. At Barquisemeto, 1,700 
feet elevation, it is about yj degrees. At Ciudad Bol- 
ivar (Angostura), on the Orinoco river, 190 feet eleva- 
tion, it is about 83 degrees. 

There are but two well-defined seasons in any portion 
of the Republic, namely, the "wet" and the "dry." 
The last named begins in October and ends with March; 
the first commences in April and ends in October. 
Except at great altitudes, there are never any frosts; 

15 



226 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

and even in the lowlands and on the coast, where the 
heat is most intense, sunstroke, or heat apoplexy, is 
almost unknown. 

Here, then, is a country in which, as in Colombia, 
nature seems to have been peculiarly lavish in her 
bounties ; while its favored geographical position places 
it in easy communication with the outside world, thus 
giving the little Republic many commercial advantages 
which Colombia does not possess. Both countries are 
great in future possibilities, but Venezuela is perhaps 
the greater. As yet both are but sparsely populated ; 
both have been delayed in progress by unstable govern- 
ment; both are more than half a century behind the 
age. These conditions cannot long continue. In the 
present age of the world, when the struggle for subsist- 
ence has become one of serious moment in many parts 
of Europe and Asia, such countries as Colombia and 
Venezuela cannot remain unnoticed many decades 
longer. Civilization will demand their development. 
And it is to be hoped that, profiting by the lessons of 
history, the people of both will realize the necessity of 
stable government as the one condition precedent to 
anything like national prosperity, if not to national 
existence itself. 




CHAPTER XIX 

STAPLE PRODUCTS OF VENEZUELA 

"^HE agricultural districts of Venezuela com- 
prise an area of something over 30,000 square 
miles, and lie as I have said, within the 
three parallel valleys between the coast and the great 
Parima ranges of mountains. These valleys are at 
altitudes of from 1,200 to 3, 500 feet above sea-level, 
and therefore have for the most part an equable and 
temperate climate. The soil is generally a dark loam, 
easily cultivated, and seldom suffers from protracted 
droughts. They are rarely visited by fevers, and are 
generally considered healthful. A large portion of 
each of them is connected with the outside world by 
water navigation. Their present products are sugar, 
tobacco, maize, rice, wheat, barley, potatoes, and a 
little cotton of very inferior quality. Among the 
possible products would be a high grade of cotton, and 
all the cereals and vegetables of the north temperate 
zone. 

During the civil war in the United States, cotton 
culture in this region received quite an impetus, 
especially in the immediate vicinity of Lake Valencia, 
where both climate and soil are peculiarly well adapted 
to the plant; and even after the close of that war, a 
number of experienced planters from our Gulf States, 
who had become disgusted with the new order of 
things at home, leased large tracts of land in Venezuela 



228 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

and entered quite extensively into the business of 
cotton growing. They did very well for a time, but a 
"revolution " broke out in 1869-70, which caused them 
to lose two crops in succession. Many of them lost 
everything. Very soon they became discouraged ; and 
those who were able, returned to the United States 
wiser but poorer men. Since then, the industry has 
fallen into complete decadence, and not a bale of 
cotton is now raised for export. With a stable govern- 
ment, Venezuela would probably become one of the 
cotton-producing countries of the world, for the climate 
and soil are, as I have said, peculiarly well adapted to 
this class of industry. The cotton plant here grows to 
the dimensions of a large bush, and annual replanting 
is seldom necessary. One good stand will last for 
several years, and with proper attention the fibre can 
be made equal to that of our average Georgia or Texas 
cotton. 

In many parts of Venezuela the sugar-cane is in- 
digenous, and gives an enormous yield with very little 
cultivation. There are some very fine sugar planta- 
tions, especially in the small valleys near the coast; 
but little or no sugar is raised for export, and the 
article is consumed in a crude state. It is usually 
moulded into cylindrical blocks, called papalon, weigh- 
ing from three to five pounds each, and is very similar 
in appearance and taste to the best maple sugar of the 
United States. The tax on the importation of all 
foreign refined sugars amounts to practical prohibi- 
tion; and yet there is not a sugar refinery worthy of 
the name in all the Republic. 

It has been asserted by those who are generally 
accepted as authority on the subject, that the tobacco 
plant (Nicotiana rnsticd) is a native of tropical America. 
It has been likewise asserted, with equal confidence, 



Staple Products of Venezuela 229 

that the plant is indigenous to southern Asia. It is 
now well known that the use of tobacco in all its forms 
was common in China many centuries before America 
was discovered by Europeans. The probabilities are 
that some varieties of the plant (for there are several) 
are indigenous to the tropical and subtropical latitudes 
of both continents, and that whilst it may be success- 
fully cultivated in high latitudes, even as far north as 
Canada, its natural home is in the tropics. This is 
demonstrated by the fact that the plant soon deterio- 
rates in high latitudes, and requires frequent reseeding 
from the tropical and subtropical regions. 

Tobacco, as is well known, was a native product not 
only of the West India islands, but of North America 
as far as Canada, at the time of the discovery of the 
continent. The same is true of aboriginal South 
America, from the isthmus to Cape Horn. Indeed, 
no tribe of American Indians has ever yet been found, 
in either hemisphere, who did not use tobacco in some 
form or other, or whose traditions did not ascribe its 
use to the remotest antiquity. With many of the 
Central and South American tribes, the use of tobacco 
had a religious significance, and was intimately con- 
nected with their forms of worship. According to 
their religious belief, the " Great Spirit " smelled a 
sweet savor as the smoke of the sacred plant (for they 
held it sacred) ascended to the heavens; and thus they 
sought to propitiate the favor of the Deity by a habit 
now regarded by us as a mere selfish luxury. It has 
been asserted — and so oft repeated as to become gen- 
erally accepted — that the domestic tobacco plant and 
its use originated with the natives of Yucatan ; that it 
was thence disseminated by the Spaniards through the 
West Indies, and from there introduced into Venezuela 
and Colombia. But this cannot be made to accord 



230 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

with the known fact that Columbus found the natives of 
the West Indies cultivating and using tobacco some two 
years before Yucatan was discovered; or with the 
further fact, testified to by Ojeda and others, that in 
1499 the tobacco culture and habit were already very 
general among the Indians of the Venezuelan coast. 
Another very significant fact is that the district of 
Capadare, in Venezuela, and those of Jirado and Amba- 
lema, in Colombia, where the finest quality of tobacco 
is now grown, are precisely the localities where the 
plant was most assiduously cultivated by the aborig- 
ines at the time of the Spanish discovery and 
conquest. 

The plant thrives best in a humid and moderately 
fertilized soil, like that in the vicinity of the Ve- 
nezuelan coast or in the upper valley of the Magdalena 
in Colombia. If the soil is too light and sandy, the 
plant "fires" quickly under a tropical sun, and the 
yield and quality are both bad. If the soil is too rich, 
the yield may be good, but the quality is inferior, the 
fibre being loaded with acid matter, which produces 
excessive fermentation and what is called "mould" in 
the process of curing. 

In some of the mountainous districts of the interior, 
both in Venezuela and Colombia, the Indians use 
tobacco in a peculiar form. They boil the leaves and 
stems of the plant into the consistency of thick paste, 
which they chew as common chewing gum is used in 
the United States. But aside from this, I believe I 
never saw or heard of a Venezuelan or Colombian, 
white or colored, who used tobacco other than for 
smoking or snuffing. 

Tobacco is exported in considerable quantities from 
both Venezuela and Colombia, and, in some instances, 
the quality is perhaps nearly as good as the best in 



Staple Products of Venezuela 231 

Cuba. This, I am aware, will seem an exaggerated 
statement; but it is, nevertheless, a fact easy of verifi- 
cation. I have known old smokers who were consid- 
ered good judges of tobacco, to express a preference for 
the best, brands of Ambalema cigars to those of the 
celebrated Vuelto Abajo estates in Cuba; and I have 
known others, supposed to be equally competent to 
judge, to smoke Ambalema cigars under the impres- 
sion that they were " clear Havanas. " I remember 
one instance in particular, in Washington City, where 
an old smoker once mistook an "Ambalema, " which 
cost less than $8 per hundred, for the highest priced 
Havana cigar. It is now generally well known to the 
trade that about half the so-called "Havana cigars," 
sold in European shops — and especially in Germany 
— are really made of tobacco grown in San Domingo, 
Venezuela, and Colombia. Still people go on paying 
for a mere name, quite regardless of quality or price. 
They will buy a 25 cent cigar at some fashionable 
restaurant, merely because it is labelled "Havana," 
when the probabilities are they are paying for a Capa- 
dare or an Ambalema cigar, which might otherwise 
have been bought for 10 or 15 cents. A thrifty tobac- 
conist of Caracas once told me that, in order to meet 
the wants of transient Americans and Englishmen who 
would have none but "clear Havanas." he sent small 
lots of his best tobacco to Havana, and had it manu- 
factured there into choice brands, and then shipped 
back to him under consular invoice. Only in this way 
could he satisfy the caprices of the market, and of 
course he found the arrangement very profitable. 

But the great staple product of Venezuela is coffee, 
which is to that country what wheat and cotton are to 
ours. In 1 89 1 there were something over 450,000 
acres devoted to coffee culture alone, to say nothing 



232 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of the great 'number of sporadic plants cultivated in 
the private gardens and lawns in urban districts. At 
the usual estimate, this would give an aggregate of 
nearly 200,000,000 trees, yielding, annually, about 
150,000,000 pounds, which, at the then minimum 
market price, was worth about $14,800,000 in the 
gold coin of the United States. 

As to quality, whilst it is generally admitted to be 
inferior in flavor to the best Mocha or Java, it is cer- 
tainly very far superior to any that is produced in 
Brazil; and if we except that of the celebrated Chimbi 
estates, in the remote interior of Colombia, it is per- 
haps superior to any produced elsewhere on the con- 
tinent. But the finest grade of Venezuelan and 
Colombian coffee rarely or never finds its way to the 
United States. It is usually bought up early in the 
season and shipped to Europe, where it commands an 
exceptionally high price, and is sometimes retailed to 
consumers as "Java" or "Mocha." 

In its wild state the coffee-tree is a slender shrub 
from twelve to twenty feet high, and has thick branches. 
In cultivation it is seldom allowed to become more 
than six or ten feet high, and is made to assume a 
pyramidal form, with thick horizontal branches from 
base to top. The leaves are perennial, dark emerald 
green in color, and grow opposite each other on the 
long slender branches. The flowers are small, closely 
clustered in the axils of the leaves, perfectly white, 
and exceedingly beautiful and fragrant. The fruit 
when ripe is of a dark scarlet color, and the seeds, as 
every one knows, are semi-elliptic in form, and of a 
hard and horny substance. The natural habitat of the 
tree is a moist, tropical atmosphere, on mountain 
slopes at altitudes ranging from 3,000 to 7,000 feet 
above sea-level, where there is an even temperature of 



Staple Products of Venezuela 233 

from 60 to 70 degrees Fahrenheit. The topography of 
the ground is not otherwise essential to a good coffee 
plantation. Wherever a foothold is found among the 
crags and crevices of the rocks, there a coffee-tree 
may be successfully cultivated. 

At an altitude of about 2,000 feet, vegetation in 
Venezuela begins to assume a rare luxuriance; the 
soil is dark, loamy, and rich, and the atmosphere cool 
and exhilarating. These favorable conditions to the 
coffee plant steadily increase as we ascend the greater 
altitudes, till we reach an elevation of 7,000 or 8,000 
feet. Hence the soil and climate of a wide stretch of 
country in Venezuela fulfil all the conditions desired 
by the experienced coffee planter. After carefully 
clearing away all the thick undergrowth, he plants his 
young trees about eight feet apart, in parallel rows 
about thirty feet apart. The young plant must have 
an abundance of shade, and when there are not left 
standing sufficient native forest trees for this purpose, 
shade trees of rapid growth are set out between the 
rows. Until these attain sufficient growth to afford 
the required shade, banana stocks are set out near each 
young plant; so that whilst waiting for his coffee 
plants to reach the bearing age, the proprietor usually 
realizes a very handsome income from his banana 
crop. At about three years of age, the coffee plant 
begins to bear. It attains to its full maturity at from 
six to eight years of age, and continues to yield full 
crops till it is about thirty, when decadence usually 
sets in. The trees are then gradually replaced by 
young plants. 

When the tree arrives at full maturity, it requires 
very little attention ; so that after about the first five 
or six years the planter is at little or no expense except 
in harvesting and preparing his coffee for market. A 



234 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

fair average crop is about 700 pounds to the acre; the 
cost of harvesting and hulling and sacking is rarely 
more than $5 per sack of no pounds each. The 
wholesale market price per sack ranges from $17 to 
$21, thus giving a net profit to the planter of from 
$12 to $16 per sack. There are planters in Vene- 
zuela whose net income from their coffee estates alone 
is sometimes over $90,000 annually, or say about 80 
per cent on the actual investment, made some eight or 
ten years before. But perhaps the very next year 
they may lose nearly everything by a local or general 
" revolution." Indeed, that is by no means an unusual 
occurrence either in Venezuela or Colombia, and the 
fact is mentioned in this connection merely to show- 
that there are two sides to the picture. Still, it is 
undoubtedly true that, all things considered, a good 
coffee plantation, convenient to market, is about the 
best piece of property a man can own in either 
country. 1 

Another profitable industry in Venezuela is the culti- 
vation of Theobroma, or chocolate plant. It is indig- 
enous to the soil of both Venezuela and Colombia, and 
its fruit is, as every one knows, the chocolate bean of 
commerce. The average height of the plant is about 
thirteen feet; its average diameter at the ground about 
eight inches. It requires more care and attention than 
the coffee plant, but the fruit itself requires less labor 
in its preparation for market. For full development 
and remunerative crops, the plant requires an even 

1 Within the past decade there has appeared in Ceylon, and still more 
recently in Java, a coffee plant disease as yet unknown in South and 
Central America. I allude to the rust fungus {Hemileia vasiatrix) which 
destroys the foliage on the coffee plantations in whole districts, year 
after year. This (and not adverse local legislation, as has been as- 
serted) satisfactorily accounts for the decrease of the coffee product 
of those islands during the past few years. 



Staple Products of Venezuela 235 

temperature of about 80 degrees Fah., and a damp 
rich soil. Hence the available area being thus limited, 
the cacao planter has little fear of that fierce com- 
petition which is already being encountered in the 
coffee culture, whilst the annual average profit on the 
original investment is equally good, if not better. 

The cacao plantation is set out in very much the 
same manner as an apple or peach orchard, except 
that the young stocks or slips may be transplanted 
from the nursery at two months of age. One acre will 
accommodate about one hundred plants, which, like 
the coffee-tree, requires shade. And, in addition to 
the shade, there must be constant and regular irriga- 
tion. This is usually accomplished by means of small 
trenches into which little streams of water are diverted 
from some creek or river conveniently near. At five 
years of age, the plant begins to bear, and will pro- 
duce two crops annually, ripening in the months of 
June and December. The average life of the plant is 
about forty years, and the average crop about 600 
pounds per acre. The fruit is a crescent-shaped pod, 
from ten to twelve inches long, and grows from the 
lower trunk as well as from the branches. In its green 
state, it looks very much like a cucumber, except that 
it is much longer. When ripe, it is of a reddish-brown 
color, especially on the side exposed to the sunlight. 
When fully ripe, these pods are gathered and thrown 
together in heaps on the ground, where, after a few 
days, they ferment and burst. The bean — which 
looks somewhat like a large almond, except that it is 
smooth, bright, and glossy — is then shelled out, ground 
into powder, and thus prepared for market. 

For many years past, the European demand for 
cacao has been large, regular, and constantly increas- 
ing. Even in the United States, where the consump- 



236 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tion has hitherto been insignificant, the demand is 
steadily increasing. In southern Europe and in Mex- 
ico, as in fact in all Spanish-American countries, 
cacao, in the form of prepared chocolate, is in com- 
mon use by all classes ; while in France, Germany, 
England, Russia, and the United States, it is employed 
chiefly in the manufacture of confections. Its use has 
become so varied and extensive that it is already a 
world staple of commerce, like tea and coffee ; and 
the annual export, from Venezuela alone, amounts in 
value from $1,600,000 to $2,000,000. During the year 
1890, it amounted to nearly $2,000,000, and it con- 
tinued to increase until the breaking out of the civil 
war of 1892. 




CHAPTER XX 

MINERAL RESOURCES OF VENEZUELA 

ENEZUELA, like Colombia, is peculiarly rich 
in minerals, and some of the richest gold mines 
in both countries have been profitably worked 
for more than two centuries. Early in the sixteenth 
century, Spanish prospectors searched the Caribbean 
coast and on the margins of the great rivers for gold de- 
posits ; and it was by these prospectors that the mines 
of Buria and San Pedro were first discovered, and the 
first white settlements made at Barquisemeto and Nirgua. 
These rich mines continued to be somewhat crudely 
though profitably worked under the old Spanish regime 
through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but 
were abandoned after the great earthquake of 1812, which 
obstructed the shafts and totally destroyed the mining 
property. In 1560, the same Fajardo (or Faxardo) 
who made the first attempt to found the city of Caracas 
discovered the gold mines of Los Teques ; but owing 
to the hostility of the Indians, who killed his miners 
and destroyed his works, he was soon forced to aban- 
don the enterprise and seek safety on the coast. Some 
twenty years later, another company of Spaniards dis- 
covered the marvellously rich gold fields on the Tuy 
river, which, however, were soon abandoned owing to 
the insalubrity of the climate and the hostile character 
of neighboring tribes of Indians. 

Since then, gold has been discovered in nearly every 
province and district of the Republic. But the deposits 



238 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of greatest extent and value are those recently found 
in the territories of Guayaha, east of the Orinoco. 
There are abundant outcroppings of gold-bearing 
quartz in the entire region between the river Cuyuni and 
the province of Barcelona, and also in the valleys of the 
western tributaries of the Orinoco as far inland as the 
Colombian border. The mines of San Felipe, Nirgua, 
Barcelona, Callao, and Carupino have yielded as much 
as seven and eight ounces of pure gold per ton. Dur- 
ing the years 1880, 1890, 1891, the smallest product 
of these mines was about $920,000, and the largest 
about $3,400,000, — the average annual yield being 
about $2,160,000. 

Copper deposits are abundant in many parts of the 
Republic, but hitherto not much disturbed. These in the 
foot-hills near San Felipe, some seventy miles distant 
from Puerto Cabello, have been very successfully worked 
by an English company, and there are said to be equally 
rich, but as yet undeveloped mines of this metal in the 
vicinity of Coro, Carabobo, Barquisemeto, and Merida. 
In the decade from 1880 to 1890, the largest annual 
product of copper was about 30,000 tons, valued at 
$1,162,000; the smallest annual product, during the 
same period, being about 10,000 tons, valued at 
$175,000. 

In various parts of the Republic, but more particu- 
larly in the foot-hills of the Parima range of mountains, 
there are rich deposits of red hematite and magnetic 
iron ; but the most valuable deposits of this metal are 
found in the valley of the river Imataca, an important 
affluent of the great Orinoco, in part of the territory 
recently claimed by Great Britain. Here the ore is 
found in great quantities, generally near the surface, and 
has been assayed as high as eighty per cent of pure 
metal. The beds of ore are near the margins of the 



Mineral Resources of Venezuela 239 

river, which is navigable for some distance above, and 
are easily worked at comparatively little expense. 

Asphaltum of very superior quality, and in apparently 
inexhaustible quantities, is found near the Pedernales 
river, one of the estuaries of the Orinoco, and also in 
smaller deposits near Maracaybo, Merida, and Coro, in 
the western part of the Republic. That which has 
been recently discovered in the Orinoco delta, and on 
the little island of Pedernales near by, is a very superior 
quality. It differs from the asphaltum of Trinidad in 
that it is more liquid, and contains less earthy matter. 
The pitch is found in a series of little springs or foun- 
tains in conjunction with pure fresh water, and forms 
a flooring of several feet in depth. As taken from the 
mines, the pitch is a thick, jetty black, viscous mass, 
almost odorless, and very adherent. The process of pre- 
paring it for market is simple and inexpensive, the pitch 
merely requiring to be boiled so as to eliminate the 
higher volatiles and all contained moisture. The refin- 
ing process may be carried to the extent of complete 
carbonization. The deposits at La Brea, in Trinidad, 
unlike those in the Orinoco delta, contain a large per- 
centage of earthy matter which is difficult of separation 
from the pure pitch. These impurities add largely to 
the weight, and consequently to the cost of transporta- 
tion ; and whilst this extraneous matter, so difficult of 
elimination, is little detriment to the many uses of the 
material, it effectually debars it from others to which 
pure asphaltum is now applied in the various arts. 

Perhaps the most extensive and valuable coal deposits 
yet discovered in the Republic are those near the old 
city of Barcelona, in the state, or province, of Bermudez. 
The area of these deposits is still but imperfectly ex- 
plored, but enough is known to warrant the belief that 
they are both very extensive and very rich. There are 



240 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

more than a hundred outcroppings of pure coal strata, 
most of them of apparently regular formation, varying 
from four inches to six and seven feet in thickness. These 
strata are generally located between thin layers of sand- 
stone and schist, and run in general direction east and 
west, dipping to the southward. The veins often crop 
out several feet above the level of the navigable streams 
near which they are located, are easily mined from 
horizontal tunnels, and the coal loaded upon surface 
cars, — thus avoiding the expense of pumping and lift- 
ing appliances. The quality of this coal is reasonably 
good ; it ignites readily, and is well adapted for pur- 
poses of steam-power. In the mining and transporta- 
tion, it loses about 25 per cent in dust; but this waste 
is easily recovered and utilized by the recently adopted 
process of manufacturing " block coal," or " patent 
fuel," as it is called, out of the dust refuse. 

Rich mines of rock salt were discovered on the pe- 
ninsula of Aroya as early as 1500. The mines have 
been worked at intervals ever since, and generally with 
great success. At present the government of Ven- 
ezuela derives from them an annual income of nearly 
two million dollars. The deposit is almost pure salt, 
and is mined at comparatively small expense. 

Near the little city of Merida, in the western part of 
the Republic, is a lake of singular conformation, the 
bottom of which is a thick crust of sesqui-carbonate of 
soda. In the vicinity of Coro, a little to the northward, 
as also at Cumana and Barcelona, are extensive but as 
yet imperfectly developed mines of almost pure sulphur. 
Mines of jet, and also deposits of porcelain clay, have been 
discovered near Caracas and in the vicinity of Cumana. 
The base and foot-hills of Mounts Silla and Naiguate, 
near the national capital, abound with white granite of 
very superior quality, but as yet very little utilized. 



Mineral Resources of Venezuela 141 

Thermal and mineral waters are found in nearly every 
province of the Republic. The celebrated geysers of 
Los Trincheras, on the line of the new railway between 
Puerto Cabello and Valencia, are especially noted for 
the high temperature of their waters, which is never 
below 200 Fah., and is sometimes as high as 206 . 
The celebrated Urijino Springs, in Japan, have a tem- 
perature of 212° Fah., but, with this single exception, I 
believe those of Los Trincheras, in Venezuela, are the 
hottest in the known world. Very little less remarkable 
are the celebrated springs near Coro, where upwards of 
thirty different streams have formed beds of white, dish- 
shaped basins of a peculiar substance. The waters are 
of various odors and colors, contain many varieties of 
mineral substance, and maintain temperatures of from 
41 to 15 1° Fah. 




CHAPTER XXI 

A WORD ABOUT THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

UR relations with the South American states, 
and the frequent invocation by them, of what 
is known as the " Monroe Doctrine," make it 
desirable to obtain, if possible, some clear and definite 
idea of its source and meaning; for, singularly enough, 
there has been some diversity of opinion, even in this 
country, as to both its origin and import. 

The generally accepted opinion in this country is, 
that the Monroe Doctrine originated with President 
Monroe, and was first promulgated in his celebrated 
message to Congress in December, 1823. But this is 
at least doubtful ; for substantially the same principles 
had been enunciated by John Ouincy Adams nearly 
three years before. I allude, of course, to the declara- 
tion made by Mr. Adams to the British minister at 
Washington on the occasion of the suggestion by Rus- 
sia that the United States should join the " Holy Alli- 
ance." 1 And substantially the same declaration was 
made by Mr. Adams two years later, first in an instruc- 
tion to Mr. Rush, our minister at London, and afterwards 
in the course of a personal conference with Baron Tiiyl, 
the Russian minister at Washington. 2 

But it is doubtful whether even Mr. Adams was the 
first to conceive and give expression to the principles 

1 Whart. Dig. Int. Law, I., Ch. iii. sec. 57. 

2 A'dams' Mem. 163; Tucker's Monroe Doctrine, pp. 12-14. 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 243 

now known as the Monroe Doctrine ; for they had been 
clearly foreshadowed, if not distinctly outlined, twenty- 
three years before by President Washington in his Fare- 
well Address to the people of the United States. Nor 
can they be said to have been original even in that 
address, though they seem to have originated with its 
author. It is well known that,' from the date of the 
first organization of the government under the federal 
Constitution of 1787, the new Republic had been beset 
by foreign agents who sought to commit it, first, to the 
quixotic schemes of the French democrats, and after- 
wards to the cause of France in her war with England. 
Even Thomas Jefferson covertly favored this project; 
and in this, as in other vagaries, he had many followers, 
not only in Virginia, but in other states of the Union. 
But Washington stood firm against all these importuni- 
ties, and by his great personal prestige and influence 
committed the infant government to the policy of non- 
intervention in the broils of Europe, and to non-interfer- 
ence by Europe in the affairs of America. 

I think it is fair to assume, therefore, that the Ameri- 
can policy and principles of neutrality formulated' in 
President Monroe's message of 1823, are coeval with 
the very existence of our government itself. They 
were the logical sequences of the declaration of 1776, 
and of the treaty of peace of 1783. They were incident 
to the character of our republican institutions, were 
evolved by the outgrowth of a national public senti- 
ment, and rendered practicable by our isolated geo- 
graphical position. 

It had long been the conceded right of every Euro- 
pean state to increase its dominions by pacific means ; 
but this right was qualified by the acknowledged right 
of interference for the preservation of what was known 
as the " balance of power." That is to say, whenever 



244 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the ambitious designs of any European ruler tended to 
the disturbance of the proper distribution of power, 
other European sovereigns had the right to interfere 
to prevent it. This, however, was not held to prohibit 
the acquisition of unoccupied territory outside the 
limits of Europe, nor to prohibit the acquisition of 
sovereignty over states beyond those limits; because 
such acquisitions were supposed to have no appreciable 
influence on European politics. And this right of inter- 
vention for the preservation of " the balance of power," 
as thus understood, had received full confirmation by 
positive acts. Thus, at the time of the French Rev- 
olution, several European sovereigns had avowed the 
right to put down any revolutionary movement on that 
continent, even though their aid had not been invoked 
by the legitimate government; and this claim was sub- 
sequently made good by actual armed intervention in 
the affairs of France, which resulted in the final over- 
throw of Napoleon I. 

Soon thereafter a league was formed by Austria, 
Russia, and Prussia, known as the " Holy Alliance," the 
declared purpose of which was the regulation of the 
relations of Christian countries by the principles of 
Christian charity, — its real object being the preserva- 
tion and extension of the power and influence of ex- 
isting European dynasties. It subsequently received 
the moral support of nearly every nation of Europe, 
including both England and France; and in virtue of 
its power and influence, the army of occupation was 
removed from France, and the revolutions in Piedmont 
and Naples were crushed out. 

In October, 1822, this league held its celebrated Con- 
gress at Verona, at which, however, England was not 
represented, owing to some differences that had arisen 
at the previous conferences at Paris and Aix-la- 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 245 

Chapelle. Just what those differences were in detail, 
does not now concern us; but the suspicion had be- 
come general that the so-called " Holy Alliance " con- 
templated the reconquest of the Spanish-American 
colonies, and England's trade with those colonies had 
already become considerable since the recognition of 
their independence by the United States. It was 
but natural, therefore, that, while England had little 
sympathy with the new governments, and had therefore 
failed to recognize them, she should oppose a measure 
which involved the readoption of the old Spanish re- 
strictive policy whereby her trade had been excluded. 
That the reconquest of the Spanish- American colonies 
was proposed and discussed at the Conference of 
Verona was generally believed at the time ; but this 
fact did not come out very clearly until some months 
later, when it was announced that only portions of 
those colonies were to be restored to their Spanish 
allegiance, while the others were to be divided among 
the allies. 

In view of these facts, and of the general apprehen- 
sion which followed, President Monroe in his message to 
Congress, of December 2, 1823, declared, with the pur- 
pose of giving formal notice to Europe, that thenceforth 
no portion of the American continent would be deemed 
open to European conquest or colonization ; and that 
the government of the United States would consider 
any attempt to interfere with the sovereignty of the 
new republics in South America, or any attempt to 
colonize any portion of America, as imposing upon it 
an obligation to prevent it. These official utterances 
became known as the " Monroe Doctrine," the central 
idea of which was that " America belongs to Ameri- 
cans." Briefly summarized, the Doctrine is this: — 

1. No more European colonies on the American con- 



246 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tinent; but those already established not to be inter- 
fered with ; 

2. No extension of the European political system to 
any portion of the American hemisphere ; and, 

3. No European interposition in the affairs of the 
Spanish-American republics. 

In 1879, it was said by Count de Lesseps, and has 
been repeated since by those who ought to have known 
better, that the Monroe Doctrine really had an Euro- 
pean origin, the claim being that Mr. Canning, who was 
then prime minister of England, first proposed it to 
Mr. Rush, the American minister at London, in August, 
1823. 

The only foundation for this claim is an alleged " pro- 
posal " by Mr. Canning that Great Britain and the 
United States " publish a joint declaration before 
Europe " in opposition to the designs of the Holy 
Alliance " with respect to the Spanish-American colo- 
nies," setting forth that while the two governments " did 
not desire any portion of those colonies for themselves," 
they would not view with indifference any foreign " in- 
tervention in the affairs of those colonies, or their 
acquisition by any third power." Mr. Rush, in report- 
ing this proposal (which Mr. Canning afterward called 
a "sounding") to the State Department, stated that, 
as an inducement to its acceptance, Mr. Canning told 
him there was going to be a call for a general European 
congress for the consideration of the Spanish-American 
question ; but that England would take no part in it 
unless the United States should be represented therein. 
Mr. Rush's reply to this, as reported by himself, was 
that " the traditional policy of the United States was 
opposed to any participation in European affairs " ; but 
that, " with respect to the proposed joint declaration," 
he would agree to it, on his own responsibility, provided 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 247 

England would first acknowledge the independence of 
the Spanish-American republics. This was declined, and 
the proposed joint declaration was never made. 

Morever, the flimsy pretension that the British prem- 
ier was the real author of the Monroe Doctrine, is 
effectually disposed of by Mr. Canning himself. In 
an official communication dated December 21, 1823, 
addressed to Sir William a Court, British minister at 
Madrid, he said : " Monarchy in Mexico and Brazil 
would cure the evils of universal democracy and pre- 
vent the drawing of a demarkation which I most dread, 
namely, America versus Europe." And, speaking of 
his conference with Mr. Rush, he said, " While I was 
yet hesitating, in September last, what shape to give 
the declaration and protest, I sounded 1 Mr. Rush, the 
American minister here, as to his powers and disposition 
to join in any step which we might take to prevent a 
hostile enterprise by European powers against Spanish- 
America. He had no powers; but he would have 
taken upon himself to join us, if we would have be- 
gun by recognizing the independence of the Spanish- 
American states. This we could not do, and so we 
went on without. But I have no doubt that his report 
to his government of this sounding, which he probably 
represented as an overture, had something to do in 
hastening the explicit declaration of the President." 2 

As remarked by his biographer, Mr. Canning's posi- 
tion was, that Great Britain would not willingly see the 
Holy Alliance interfere " on behalf of Spain in her 
contest with her American colonies " ; and it is signifi- 
cantly added that, " so far from assenting to the propo- 
sition that the ' unoccupied parts of America are no 
longer open to colonization by Europe,' Mr. Canning 

1 The italics are in Mr. Canning's note. 

2 Stapleton's Canning and His Times, pp. 195-196. 



248 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

held distinctly that the United States had no right t& 
take unbrage at the establishment of new colonies from 
Europe on any such unoccupied parts of the American 
continent." 1 

The claim put forth by the editor of his " Diary," that 
John Quincy Adams was the first to formulate the 
Monroe Doctrine, is not without plausibility. 2 On July 
2, 1823, nearly two months before the date of Mr. 
Canning's " sounding " of Mr. Rush, and fully six 
months before the date of President Monroe's message, 
Mr. Adams said, in his letter to Mr. Rush, that the 
Spanish-American Republics " possess all the rights 
incident to their autonomy as independent states " ; 
that their territories could be " subject to no exclusive 
right of navigation in their vicinity, or of access to 
them by any foreign nation " ; that, " as a necessary 
consequence, the American continents would thence- 
forth be no longer subject to colonization " ; and that, 
being occupied by civilized nations, they would be 
" accessible to Europeans, and to each other, on that 
footing alone." A few days later, that is to say, on 
the 17th of the same month, as we learn from his 
" Diary," Mr. Adams told Baron Tiiyl that the United 
States would contest the right of Russia " to any ter- 
ritorial establishment on this continent," and that " we 
should assume distinctly the principle that the American 
continents are no longer subjects for any new European 
colonial establishments." 

It has been further suggested that, as a member of 
President Monroe's cabinet, Mr. Adams was the real 
author of that portion of the message relating to the 
Holy Alliance. 3 This is not improbable. Indeed, it 

1 Ibid. ; Wharton's Digest, par. 57. 

2 Diary, vi. 163. 

3 Tucker's Monroe Doctrine, pp. 12-14. 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 249 

has been positively stated, on the authority of Mr. 
William Plummer (at the time a member of Congress 
from Pennsylvania), that " after the message had been 
read in cabinet meeting, the President inquired whether 
it would not be well to leave out that portion relating 
to the Holy Alliance." To which Mr. Adams replied 
as follows : " ' Sir, you have my views on that point 
already, and I see no reason to alter them.' Where- 
upon Mr. Monroe replied : ' Well, it is written, and I 
will not now change it.' " 1 

These statements seem to be corroborated by the 
fact that, before committing his administration to the 
doctrine which bears his name, Mr. Monroe solicited 
the opinions of ex-Presidents Madison and Jefferson 
on the subject. Mr. Madison replied, in substance, that 
the circumstances of the case, and the relations of the 
new republics to the United States, were such as to call 
forth " our efforts to defeat the meditated crusade " by 
the Holy Alliance. Mr. Jefferson was more explicit. 
He said : " Our first fundamental maxim should be, 
never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe ; 
and our second should be never to suffer Europe to 
intermeddle with cis- Atlantic affairs." 2 

That the Monroe Doctrine neither contemplated inter- 
vention by the United States in the internal affairs of 
the Latin-American states, nor interference with any 
vested European rights on this continent, is manifest 
from the very words of the declaration itself. It was 
intended and understood as an authentic protest against 
any extension of European power and influence on this 
continent; and in this sense only it has always re- 

1 Penna. Mag. of Hist. & Biography, vi., p. 358. 

2 Jefferson's Works, p. 315. It is interesting to note that Jefferson's 
views on this subject had undergone a healthful change after the collapse 
of the French Revolution. Before that time, he was insidiously ad- 
vocating an alliance with France against England. 



250 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sponded to public sentiment in this country. It will 
have to be admitted, however, that our government 
has not always given to it that support which the 
people had a right to expect. The most lamentable 
instance occurred in 1850, in what is generally known as 
the " Clayton-Bulwer Treaty," for a proper understand- 
ing of which it will be necessary to pass in review the 
circumstances which led to it. 

Something more than a century and a half ago, some 
British merchants sent out ships and began gathering 
dyewoods in the forests of Honduras, in Central Amer- 
ica. Honduras was the'n a Spanish possession, and, as 
there had been no previous concession by Spain, there 
was a vigorous protest by the Madrid government. 
Subsequently, however, Spain granted permission to 
British subjects to gather mahogany and dyewoods ; 
but this concession conveyed no property in the soil, 
nor any right of eminent domain. It was simply a per- 
mit, under certain restrictions, to cut and ship dye- 
woods and nothing more. 

But an English settlement soon sprang up there, with- 
out having any declared purpose or fixed boundaries ; 
and after the country became independent this settle- 
ment was gradually extended without much regard to 
the territorial rights and limits of adjacent free states. 
Very soon the British government pretended to have 
made a treaty with an insignificant tribe of Indians, 
called the Mosquitos, who inhabited a narrow strip of 
country on the coast of Honduras, whereby they were 
guaranteed " protection " ; and, in order to give color to 
this pretension, a half-Indian boy was found who was 
represented to be the natural son, by a zambo woman, 
of a former chief of the Mosquito tribe. This motley 
lad was carried over to Jamaica, where he underwent 
the' farce of a coronation as " king " of the Mosquitos. 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 251 

He was then taken back to Honduras and set up as its 
nominal sovereign, — the real authority being vested in 
the resident English consul. All this took place at a 
time when the whole Mosquito coast country was known 
to be within the territory and jurisdiction of the free 
state of Nicaragua, and the Mosquitos themselves citi- 
zens of that Republic. 1 

This was the condition of affairs in Central America 
at the time of our war with Mexico. When that war 
closed, the British government exhausted all means in 
its power, through its accredited diplomatic agents, to 
defeat any treaty between Mexico and the United States 
whereby the latter might acquire any territory on the 
Pacific coast, protesting all the while that there was no 
British " colony " in Honduras, and that England's only 
solicitude in the premises was the fulfilment of her 
pledge of " protection " to the Mosquito " king." So 
great, however, was this solicitude for the safety and 
welfare of the Mosquito " king," that as soon as it 
became known that the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo 
had been signed, the British fleet, then stationed at Vera 
Cruz, hastily set sail for the mouth of the San Juan 
river, took forcible possession of the little town of San 
Juan, changed its name to " Greytown," established 
British authority there, and began to fortify the place. 

Of course this was an unprovoked outrage upon 
Nicaragua; and it revealed, besides, a hostile motive 
toward the United States, since the San Juan river 
route was then supposed to be the most available chan- 
nel of communication between our Atlantic and Pacific 
coasts. It was, therefore, something akin to a contemptu- 

1 Nicaragua threw off the Spanish joke and became an autonomous 
free state in 182 1. It subsequently became a member of the federal 
Union of the Central American states, but, after the dissolution in 1838, 
resumed its position as a separate republic. 



252 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

ous disregard of the very principles of the Monroe 
Doctrine, of which, according to M. de Lesseps, a Brit- 
ish statesman was the real author ! 

A diplomatic agent was soon sent out from Washing- 
ton, who negotiated a treaty with Nicaragua, by the pro- 
visions of which the United States was invested with the 
exclusive right to open an inter-oceanic ship canal 
through the territory of that Republic, together with the 
right to establish towns and free ports at the termini of 
the canal, and to fortify the canal itself from sea to sea. 
In other words, it provided for a canal to be under the 
exclusive control of the United States. But before this 
treaty (generally referred to as the " Hise Treaty") 
could reach Washington, there was a change of adminis- 
tration ; and the new cabinet refused to ratify the treaty, 
or even to refer it to the consideration of the Senate. 
A new minister was sent out, who negotiated another 
convention, which provided for a joint control of the 
proposed canal by the United States and Great Britain S 
This was unsatisfactory, owing to the ambiguity of cer- 
tain provisions; and Mr. John M. Clayton, then Secre- 
tary of State, opened negotiations with Sir Henry 
Bulwer, the British minister at Washington, which re- 
sulted in the convention of 1850, generally referred to 
as the " Clayton-Bulwer Treaty." That treaty not only 
recognized and adopted the scheme for a " joint pro- 
tectorate," but contained a clause whereby the United 
States and Great Britain pledged themselves, each to the 
other, that neither of them would ever " colonize, 
annex, fortify, or attempt to exercise exclusive control 
over " any portion of Central America. 

Of course this was an egregious blunder, the con- 
sequences of which have haunted us for half a century ; 
but there is no warrant for the assertion, sometimes 
thoughtlessly made, that Mr. Clayton contemplated a 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 253 

deliberate abandonment of the Monroe Doctrine. Pri- 
marily, the object was to secure a pledge from Great 
Britain not to colonize the isthmus ; and secondarily, to 
stimulate the investment of foreign capital in a great 
American enterprise at a time when money for such 
purposes was difficult to obtain. The blunder consisted 
in thoughtlessly committing the United States govern- 
ment to a constructive recognition of the British status 
qtw ante on the isthmus ; for England had already estab- 
lished a protectorate in Bah'ze, and was at that very 
moment exercising jurisdiction within the territory of 
Nicaragua. Moreover, the provision for a partnership 
control of the proposed canal, besides being opposed to 
the traditional policy of the United States, was exceed- 
ingly impolitic. For, in the very nature of the case, 
it would have resulted in endless misunderstandings, and 
thus, instead of proving a bond of friendship, would have 
been the source of ever-recurring discord. Fortunately, 
however, we have about outgrown the consequences of 
this indiscretion ; for it is too manifest for argument that 
the treaty, in so far as it relates to the then projected 
canal, is now obsolete. And it is equally manifest that 
the unfortunate provision (in Article 8) for an agree- 
ment to agree " to extend joint protection to any other 
practicable communications " across the isthmus, cannot 
any longer (owing to the change of circumstances and 
other causes) be insisted upon or enforced. 

It has been alleged that the principles of the Monroe 
Doctrine were violated in the case of Louis Kossuth, 
the Hungarian exile. Briefly stated, the facts are these : 
Kossuth had fled to Turkey, in 1849; his extradition 
was demanded by Austria and Russia; in September, 
1 85 1, he embarked on a United States war vessel, 
which, in accordance with a resolution of the Senate, 
had been despatched to carry him to this country as 



254 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the guest of the nation. He was formally received 
with honors by both Houses of Congress ; but there 
was some discussion in both as to whether the course 
pursued by the government was not a departure from 
its traditional policy of non-intervention in European 
affairs. 1 The weight of opinion, however, was that it 
involved no material departure ; because, in the first 
place, there had been no violation of any rule of inter- 
national law or comity ; and, in the second place, the 
action of the United States government was not guided 
or influenced by any obligation to, or any understand- 
ing with, any European or other foreign power. 2 

Again, it has been said that the Monroe Doctrine has 
never received legislative sanction ; that the President 
alone has no right to declare principles obligatory upon 
foreign nations ; consequently, that it can have no real 
validity. Such an argument merits little consideration. 
In the first place, Congress has never dissented from 
any part of the Monroe declaration. 3 On the contrary, 

1 Congressional Globe, xxiv., xxv. 

2 Ibid. 

3 The Resolution which passed in the House of Representatives on 
the subject of the proposed Panama Conference of 1826, cannot be held 
an exception ; for it merely expressed the opinion that the United States 
ought not to be represented in that particular Conference " except in a 
diplomatic character; " that the United States "ought not to form any 
alliance with all or any of the South American Republics ; " but that " the 
people of the United States should be left free to act, in any crisis, in 
such manner as their feelings of friendship towards their sister Repub- 
lics, and as their own honor and policy, may at the time dictate." 

In looking back upon the Panama Conference from this length of 
time, it is easy to understand why it failed. Unfortunately it struck 
against the rock of American slavery. One of the questions proposed 
for discussion in the Conference was " the consideration of the means to 
be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave-trade." There 
was a possibility that the condition of the islands of Cuba and Puerto 
Rico, then possessions of Spain, and still slave-holding, might be made 
the subject of discussion and of contemplated action by the Panama 
Congress. Moreover, Haiti, already a negro Republic, would claim the 



A Word about the Monroe Doctrine 255 

that body is constructively committed to the doctrine 
as a whole. All resolutions introduced on the subject 
have been in support of it. That of January, 1824, by 
Mr. Clay, was never called up; that of June, 1879, by 
Mr. Burnside, was merely referred ; that of Decem- 
ber, 1880, by Mr. Crapo, was unanimously sustained 
by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, but the ses- 
sion closed before the report could be taken up ; and 
with the exception of the Anglo- Venezuelan Reso- 
lution of 1896, which passed both Houses without a 
dissenting vote, there have been no others. In the 
second place, every lawyer knows that most of the 
rules of international law derive their authority from 
usage alone ; and that the Monroe declaration is a pre- 
cedent universally acknowledged and accepted by the 
peoples of both the Americas. It has been confirmed 
by the declarations of every President of the United 
States, from Monroe to McKinley, who has ever had 
occasion to refer to it. It has always been regarded as 
a matter above and beyond mere party, and has been 
persistently asserted by leaders of both the great polit- 
ical parties in the United States. Moreover, to say 
that it has no validity for want of formal legislative 
sanction, is tantamount to saying that Washington's 
Farewell Address has none ; for neither did that ever 
receive any formal legislative sanction. And yet every 
American citizen who knows anything about the po- 

right to be represented ; and this would have been an awkward dilemma, 
for there were then some 4,000,000 negro slaves in the United States. 
The example, it was thought, would have been dangerous to an institu- 
tion then sanctioned bv our Constitution, to say nothing of the prejudices 
it would have excited. Thus the necessity of preserving the great 
interests of the Southern States, and of preventing a change in the 
character of labor in the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, lost to us 
the opportunity of giving permanent direction to the political and com- 
mercial connections of the newly enfranchised Spanish-American States, 
and their trade passed into other hands. 



256 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

litical history of his country, or of the annals of our 
foreign relations, knows that the recommendations in 
that Address (which embodies the essential principles 
of the Monroe Doctrine) have shaped the foreign policy 
of the government for more than a century. 

It might be amusing, were the fact less deplorable, to 
point out some of the crude and exaggerated notions 
of the nature and scope of the Monroe Doctrine that 
are entertained in certain of the South American states. 
There seems to be an impression that it may be suc- 
cessfully invoked to prevent a European nation from 
enforcing an international obligation against a South 
American Republic, or for preventing the execution 
of demands for satisfaction in cases of tort, or for the 
prevention of interferences in general that are otherwise 
sanctioned by international usage. The absurdity of 
such a construction is its own sufficient refutation. And 
yet, strange to say, on more than one occasion the 
United States government has been mildly censured, 
even by some of our own citizens, for not interposing 
in such cases. 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE MOSQUITO COAST 
CONTROVERSY 



F~ r^HE seizure of the port of San Juan, and the 
establishment of a British Protectorate on the 

„fl_ Mosquito coast, as related in the preceding 
chapter, was something more than a contemptuous disre- 
gard of the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, something 
more than an unprovoked outrage upon the sovereignty 
of a free American state. It was, besides being both 
these, a deliberate violation of a solemn treaty obliga- 
tion. This may seem a rather blunt way of putting it, 
but it will be found that the facts in the case fully 
justify the statement. 

By the treaty of 1783, between England and Spain, 
Great Britain agreed to withdraw entirely from Central 
America, and to " forever abandon " any and all claims 
she might have had to territory there. British subjects 
were granted an extension of their former permission 
to cut and export mahogany and dyewoods from a 
narrow strip of territory " between the rivers Bah'ze and 
Honda," near the Mosquito coast; but this concession 
conveyed no political rights or privileges, and in no 
way interfered with Spain's right of eminent domain. 
It in no way impaired Spain's acknowledged sovereignty 
and jurisdiction over any part of Central America, or of 
the adjacent islands. 

This was sufficiently manifest from the very terms of 
the concession itself. But in order to prevent any pos- 

17 



258 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sible misunderstanding on this point, the treaty con- 
tained a clause which expressly stipulated that this 
" permission " or concession to cut and export timber, 
was never to be construed as " in anywise derogatory 
to " Spain's " absolute sovereignty," not only over that 
particular territory, but over all other territory in Central 
America. And, as if to give this still greater emphasis, 
there was an additional clause whereby England obli- 
gated herself " to demolish any fortifications " which 
had been erected there by her " subjects," and " to 
prevent the erection of any new ones." 

It would have been difficult to make language more 
explicit. The manifest purpose was to at once and 
forever do away with any claim or semblance of claim 
which Great Britain then had, or that she might at any 
time in the future set up, to any territory, not only on 
the Mosquito coast, but to any portion of Central 
America, or to any of the adjacent islands. Or, to 
quote the words of the treaty itself, the inhibition 
embraced " the whole of the Spanish-American con- 
tinent." 

Very soon, however, despite these express limitations, 
the British cabinet began a system of quibbling ; and by 
ingenious and strained constructions sought to render 
them nugatory. It was claimed that the words " Spanish- 
American Continent," as employed in the English text 
of the treaty, were of " such general import as war- 
ranted the British government in placing its own con- 
struction upon them ; " and that consequently, Great 
Britain had the right " to determine upon prudential 
reasons " whether the Mosquito coast and the con- 
tiguous outlying islands came within the general in- 
hibition. 

This led to the explanatory Agreement or supple- 
mental treaty of 1786, which declared, as the sense of 



The Mosquito Coast Controversy 259 

the treaty of 1783, that his Britannic Majesty's subjects 
should " at once and forever, and without exception, 
evacuate," not only the entire Mosquito country, but 
" the whole of Central America, including all adjacent 
islands." The privilege previously granted to British 
subjects, to cut and export mahogany and dyewoods, 
was not to be interfered with ; but this was stated to be on 
the express condition that the territory was to be " indis- 
putably acknowledged to belong of right to His Catholic 
Majesty the King of Spain. And this was supplemented 
by another condition of marked significance, namely, 
that British subjects were not to furnish " any arms or 
warlike stores to the native Indian occupants," but to re- 
frain from inciting them to " sedition and rebellion " 
against the Spanish colonial authorities. 

Some months afterwards, when the matter came up 
for discussion in the British House of Lords, a motion 
to disagree with the terms of the treaty," as thus ex- 
plained, was defeated by a vote of 53 to 17; and, 
pending that discussion, all parties were agreed that 
the treaty of 1783, as interpreted by the Agreement 
of 1786, " required Great Britain to at once and forever 
evacuate the entire Mosquito shores." The Parliament, 
however, with this clear understanding of the treaty, 
refused to disagree to its provisions ; thus ratifying the 
obligation to " at once and forever abandon " all British 
claim or pretended claim to any form of territorial do- 
minion or sovereignty in any part of Central America, 
or to any of the adjacent islands. 

The question, then, naturally arises : When and under 
what circumstances, and by what authority, was this 
status of the case changed? We search in vain for 
some clear and satisfactory answer. It can be found 
neither in any subsequent treaty, nor in any legislative 
act of either country. The status was certainly not 



260 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

changed by the treaty of Amiens, in 1802, nor was it 
changed in 1809, when England entered into an alliance 
with Spain against the First Napoleon. It was not 
changed in 18 14, when the commercial treaties between 
England and Spain were revived, and those of 1783 and 
1 786 were expressly and specifically reaffirmed. Nor was 
it changed in 181 7, when, by a public statute, 1 the 
English Parliament acknowledged that " the British 
settlement " in Balize, Mosquito, and other portions of 
Nicaragua and Honduras were " not within the territory 
and domain of the British crown." It was not changed 
two years later when the same declaration was reit- 
erated; nor was it changed as late as 1820, when 
Captain Bonnycastle of the British navy published his 
very interesting book in which he described the Mos- 
quito shore as " a tract of country which lies along the 
northern and eastern coasts of Honduras and Nicaragua, 
once claimed by Great Britain, but which she abandoned 
in 1786 in accordance with treaty obligations" etc. 

It thus appears that during the period of thirty-four 
years from 1786 to 1820, the whole Mosquito country, 
and in fact the whole of Central America, including all 
the adjacent islands, was acknowledged by Great Britain 
herself to be the rightful property and domain of 
the Spanish crown. In other words, from the date of 
the supplemental treaty of 1786 to the time when the 
Spanish colonies in Central and South America became 
free and independent states, Great Britain made no 
pretension to any form of territorial domain in any 
part of Central America. 

In 1 82 1 the Central American colonies threw off their 

Spanish allegiance, and asserted and maintained their 

independence. Nicaragua, till then a Spanish colony, 

became an autonomous free state. Some years later, 

1 57 and 59 Geo. III. 



The Mosquito Coast Controversy 261 

she united with the other revolted colonies in the forma- 
tion of the Central American federal Union. And 
when that Union was finally dissolved, in 1838, she 
resumed her position as a separate and independent 
state, and was duly recognized in that capacity by the 
powers of the world. 

How did these acts affect the title to the soil and 
sovereignty of those countries? Surely, at this period 
of the world's history, it would be a work of supereroga- 
tion to prove that those provinces, by their successful 
revolt and acknowledged independence, succeeded, each 
within its respective limits, to all the territorial rights 
which the parent country had before the revolt. This 
is a principle too well established, and too universally 
acknowledged by civilized nations, to be a matter of 
controversy. And there is no country more firmly com- 
mitted to it than is England herself. The instances 
are numerous and familiar. I shall cite but one, 
namely, the treaty of December 26, 1826, between Great 
Britain and Mexico. 

Mexico was then but recently a revolted colony of 
Spain. In the treaty referred to, Great Britain recog- 
nized Mexico as the legal successor in title of Spain 
to all the territorial rights within the limits of the former 
colony ; and she, moreover, solicited and accepted from 
Mexico a continuance of the " permission " granted to 
British "subjects" by Spain (in 1786) to cut and ex- 
port mahogany and dyewoods from Central America. 
Nor is it material to inquire here whether the particular 
timber districts named reverted of right to Guatemala, 
to Nicaragua, to Honduras, or to Mexico ; for that 
involves only a question of limits between the former 
colonies as they existed under the parent country, and 
concerned only themselves. No matter how that ques- 
tion should be settled, the recognition by England of 



262 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the legitimate succession in title from Spain, was equally 
conclusive. 

It appears, then, that as early as 1786, Great Britain 
had abandoned, " unconditionally and forever," any 
and all claim she then had to any form of territorial 
sovereignty not only on the Mosquito coast, but else- 
where in Central America; that she tacitly, if not explic- 
itly, re-affirmed Spain's title to those countries in 
every subsequent treaty, as also by every subsequent 
public act up to the year 1 820 ; and that, by her treaty 
with Mexico, of December 26, 1826, she again confirmed 
this status by soliciting and accepting from Mexico a 
continuance of the privilege of cutting timber, previously 
solicited and accepted from Spain in 1786. 

These historical facts are easily verified. Indeed, so far 
as I know, they have never been disputed. And yet, in 
less than twenty years after the date of the treaty of 1826, 
we find England actually claiming dominion over this 
very territory in virtue of a pretended " treaty " with an 
insignificant tribe of nomadic savages who occupied or 
roamed over a portion of it within the domain and 
jurisdiction of Nicaragua ! 

One naturally wonders how an enlightened govern- 
ment, within the pale of the great family of civilized 
nations, having a due regard for the opinion of the 
world, could seriously set up such a claim as this. It 
was clearly in open disregard of solemn treaty obliga- 
tions ; and it was, besides, contrary to well established 
principles of international law. Protectorates by treaty 
can exist only between organized bodies politic, called 
states or nations. They can have no legal existence 
where one of the parties to the compact is a tribe of 
nomadic savages. Such tribes have no organized body 
politic ; and the land over which they roam, or which 
they occupy, is res nullius only with respect to the 



The Mosquito Coast Controversy 263 

civilized nation having the right of domain. The abo- 
riginees of America had none of the attributes of 
sovereignty, and their contracts could convey none. 
At no time since the discovery of the continent by 
Europeans, have they ever been treated as independent 
states. International law knows nothing of them as 
organized political communities. Their presence in a 
territory does not prevent, nor in any way affect the 
acquisition of domain by a civilized nation. They can- 
not convey even their right of occupancy without the 
sanction of the sovereign power, which, in the present 
case, was first Spain and afterwards Nicaragua. Any 
deed or treaty to that effect, between them and a third 
power, would be null and void ab initio ; and any 
attempt by a third power to intrude into territory oc- 
cupied by them would be an aggression justifying war. 
These principles are too fundamental, too well under- 
stood, and too firmly established in the modern law of 
nations, to be matters of controversy. 

How, then, shall we account for the strange attitude 
of England with respect to the Mosquito coast? I shall 
not attempt to account for it. I shall limit myself to 
a bare statement of facts, and let the intelligent reader 
draw his own conclusions. 

Off the coast of Honduras, only a few miles from the 
mainland, is a picturesque and beautiful little island 
known as Ruatan. It is indented by a number of bays 
and deep harbors, and commands the entrance to one 
of the most convenient, and now commercially impor- 
tant, harbors on the isthmus. This island was first 
discovered by the Spaniards, early in the sixteenth 
century; and, aside from this fact, its proximity to the 
mainland made it the lawful property of Spain. After 
the independence of the Spanish colonies in Central 
America, this island reverted to the Republic of Hon- 



264 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

duras as the legal successor of Spain ; for it had never 
been ceded by Spain to any third power, nor had it 
ever been so ceded by Honduras. Yet, in 1841, it was 
forcibly seized by Captain McDonald of the royal Brit- 
ish navy, and presumably in accordance with instructions 
from his government. At any rate, the flag of Hon- 
duras was hauled down and that of Great Britain 
hoisted instead ; and the little state of Honduras, unable 
to resist, had to quietly submit to the outrage. 

The next aggression was some five years later. It 
occurred on the mainland of Nicaragua and Honduras, 
as detailed in the preceding chapter, and constitutes 
one of the darkest pages in British history. It is like- 
wise one of the most humiliating episodes in the annals 
of the American diplomacy ; for it led to that stupen- 
dous diplomatic blunder known as the " Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty of 1850." Even to this day, British statesmen 
stand in blank amazement at the stupidity of the slender 
majority of senators who unwittingly ratified that treaty 
under doubtful assurances which were never made to be 
kept. For, to adopt the language of Stephen A. Doug- 
las, then a member of the Senate, " If there ever was an 
occasion when the Monroe Doctrine needed to be en- 
forced, it was then." 

It is indeed difficult to satisfactorily account for this 
supineness and apathy on the part of the Government of 
the United States. The Mosquito shore was an integral 
part of the Nicaraguan republic. According to the 
English geographer, Bonnycastle, already cited, the 
Mosquito country " lies along the eastern and northern 
shores " of the republics of Nicaragua and Honduras, 
and " extends to the mouth of the river Segovia, about 
the 12th degree north latitude." "The town of San 
Juan de Nicaragua," he continues, " at the mouth of the 
San Juan river, is the principal port of Nicaragua on the 



The Mosquito Coast Controversy 265 

Caribbean." There were at the time he wrote, in 1820, 
" three portages between Lake Nicaragua and the mouth 
of the river; " and " these carrying places," as he calls 
them, "were defended by 36 guns mounted, with a small 
battery," — the whole being " enclosed on the land side 
by ditch and rampart." The Spanish garrison stationed 
there consisted of " one hundred infantry, sixteen artil- 
lery, and about sixteen militia." " The mouth of the 
San Juan river," he continues, " is looked upon as the 
Key to the Central Americas" and that " with the pos- 
session of it and Realojo, on the opposite side of the 
lake, the Spanish colonies might be paralyzed by an 
enemy becoming the master of the ports of both 
oceans." Very true. And the observant author might 
have added that the old Spaniards (who comprehended 
the situation fully) had established the port of San 
Juan (now called " Greytown " ) as early as February 26, 
1796, and certainly none would have been more sur- 
prised than they had it been announced that this part of 
San Juan was not within their domain and jurisdiction, 
but only part of the domain of an insignificant tribe of 
Indians ; and that all communication with the great 
lake, and thence with the Pacific shore, must be by the 
permission of a savage Indian chief. 

Of course the " Mosquito Kingdom," so capriciously 
set up by Great Britain after the close of our war with 
Mexico, had for its ultimate object British control of the 
isthmian transit. But this does not affect the merits of the 
case. That the Mosquito " king" was a myth, has been 
many times admitted by British statesmen themselves. 
Thus, Lord Palmerston, speaking of these same " Mos- 
quito Indians," in 1850, said: "They had what is 
called a ' king,' who, by the bye, was about as much a 
king as you or I." This significant admission was made 
officially to the United States minister at London only a 



266 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

few months after the ratification of the unfortunate 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty. And Lord John Russell, in an 
official note addressed to Mr. Crampton, in January 
1853, denounced "this so-called Mosquito government" 
as " a mere fiction," and " the so-called Mosquito ' king ' " 
as " a mythical personage whose title to power is, to say 
the best of it, little more than nominal." 

Even if we admit, for argument's sake, that this par- 
ticular tribe of Indians had never been actually subdued 
by Spain, that would not alter the merits of the case. 
We would still be unable to justify England's action, or 
pretended action, in giving them the title and rank of an 
independent state or nation ; for such action would still 
be an open violation of the most solemn treaty obliga- 
tions. It would still be contrary to the established prin- 
ciples and practice of every European power that had 
ever acquired territory on this continent. Every one of 
those powers — and none more conspicuously than Eng- 
land herself — had long before recognized the right of 
prior discovery and occupation, and the title of the 
discovering nation to vast areas of territory occupied by 
unsubdued Indian tribes. The Indian title, whatever it 
might have been, could be extinguished only by the 
authority of the nation in whose dominions they were 
found. 

Nor was there anything in the character and history 
of this particular tribe of Indians that could constitute 
them an exception to this general rule. They were 
admitted to be savage and nomadic in character, im- 
moral and brutal in their instincts, and wholly incapable 
of performing even the most ordinary duties of a sov- 
ereign state. They bore precisely the same relations 
to the Nicaraguan government that the Creeks and 
Muscogees and other wild tribes in North America sus- 
tained toward the government of the United States ; and 



The Mosquito Coast Controversy 267 

when finally, after the Blue Fields incident of 1894, 
Great Britain withdrew her pretended " Protectorate " 
over them, they at once resumed their normal relations 
to the Nicaraguan government. 

It is fair to assume that the question of British " pro- 
tectorates," and of British dominion in any form, in 
Central America is now practically settled ; and it is 
likely to be our own fault if that question is ever 
revived. The incidents of the past are not recalled here 
for the purpose of rekindling old prejudices, nor of 
exciting present distrust of the British nation ; but as a 
warning to ourselves, to the end that such diplomatic 
blunders as that of 1850 be not repeated. Every Anglo- 
American feels a just pride in his British ancestry, and 
in that exalted type of English civilization which has 
made the United States the dominant power of the 
Western World. There is every conceivable reason why 
the Great Republic and the Great British Empire should 
be close friends. There is no conceivable reason why 
they should ever become enemies. The two peoples had 
a common origin, speak the same language, profess the 
same religion, and have a common system of jurispru- 
dence. Their interests and aspirations are identical. 
And whilst they may be generous rivals in the world's 
commerce, they have a common destiny. They should 
assiduously cultivate and carefully maintain the closest 
friendship. But the conditions of such a friendship must 
be observed ; for it can be lasting only when supported 
by mutual respect and a strict observance of the prin- 
ciples of justice and humanity. There must be justice 
between each other and with respect to weaker powers ; 
and there should be shown by both a humane spirit 
with respect to inferior races struggling in adversity to 
reach a higher plane of civilization. 



J 




CHAPTER XXIII 

THE DISPUTED EL DORADO 

N the northeastern end of the South American 
continent, bounded on the south by the river 
Amazon, north and east by the Atlantic ocean, 
west and northwest by the continuous water-way formed 
by the Orinoco river, the Casequiera channel, and the 
Rio Negro, is a vast expanse of rich and beautiful, 
though as yet but sparsely populated country known by 
the general name of Guayana. 1 Being thus entirely 
surrounded by water, it is essentially an immense island, 
having an area larger than that of France and Spain 
combined ; and, although within the line of the tropics, 
such is its peculiar topographical conformation that it 
has great diversity of climate and soil, and is capable of 
producing almost every species of cereal and vegetable 
found in the three great zones of the earth. Its natural 
wealth of mine and forest, though hitherto little devel- 
oped or disturbed, is now known to be almost incalcu- 
lable ; while its favorable geographical position, fertile 
soil, fine marine harbors, navigable inlets, network of 
cross channels and great rivers, combine to make it a 
country of great commercial possibilities. 

The Spaniards, who were the first to discover and 
explore this region, early in the sixteenth century, gave 
it the name of Guayana, though they often referred to it 

1 So called from the earliest discovery by the Spaniards, but some- 
times anglicized as Guiana or Guinea, and therefore sometimes con- 
founded with the name of a country in Africa. 



The Disputed El Dorado 269 

as Manoa or' El Dorado. Nearly a century later, Sir 
Walter Raleigh, who was the first of the second comers, 
in 1595, described it as " that mighty, rich, and beautiful 
empire of Guinea." And the less enthusiastic Dutch 
navigators, who first visited its shores in 1598, called it 
"The Arabian, or Wild Coast," a name which they 
applied to the entire region between the Amazon and 
the Orinoco. 

Within the limits of this region, between the upper 
reaches of the Orinoco and the Essequibo, was supposed 
to be the fabled El Dorado of those romantic times. 
The fable originated soon after the discovery of the 
continent, on the Caribbean coast of what is now the 
republic of Colombia. It was soon traced to the remote 
interior alta-plains of Pamplona and Tunja, thence to 
Guatavita near the present city of Bogota, and finally 
eastward, beyond the Orinoco, to the great interior 
basin of the rivers Cuyuni and Mazaruni. Its exact 
locality was fixed on the borders of a mythical lake 
called Parima, which was then believed to be the main 
source of the Orinoco, and a vague rumor prevailed 
that the native sovereign prince periodically appeared, 
on great state occasions, with his body thickly coated 
over with gold dust, the product of adjacent mines. In 
the course of time, the term El Dorado (" The Golden ") 
came to be applied to a supposed country where gold 
and white diamonds and other precious stones were as 
plentiful as the sands and pebbles on the seashore ; and 
on the margins of this great inland lake was the reputed 
site of the gorgeous capital of this mighty empire. The 
city, which nobody had ever seen, but which everybody 
believed to exist, was called Manoa, and its streets 
were supposed to be paved with pure gold. Near by, 
on the outer rim of the great interior basin, was the 
sacred mountain now known as Roraime, on whose 



270 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

dizzy heights were boulders and shafts of solid gold, 
which, however, were supposed to be carefully guarded 
by genii, or a species of headless men who inhabited 
the caves in its rugged sides. 

Such was the story. It may have been made up 
from some half forgotten or imperfectly understood 
Indian tradition, or it may have been pure fiction ; 
but for nearly two whole centuries, it excited the curi- 
osity of the civilized world, inflamed the cupidity of 
Spanish adventurers, and led to Sir Walter Raleigh's 
long series of disastrous expeditions, beginning in 1595 
and ending with his life in 1618. 1 We smile at such 
childish credulity now, and wonder why a man of 
Raleigh's genius, learning, and practical common-sense 
should have spent his whole fortune and the best years 
of his life in chasing an airy phantom which seems to 
have originated in the brain of a romantic Spaniard a 
nearly a century before. But when we recall to mind 
the hysterical and extravagant trend of thought in those 
early times, and that even this weird and improbable 
story turned out to have what Lord Bacon describes as 
" a soul of truth in the mists of fable and falsehood," 
Raleigh's conduct seems less extraordinary. For, near 
the close of the eighteenth century, when geographers 
discovered that lake " Parima " had no existence, and 
quietly blotted it from their maps, geologists ventured 
the opinion, now generally accepted, that at some remote 
period such a lake had really existed ; and it is now 
known that in the great interior basin of the Cuyuni- 
Mazaruni, and particularly near the locality of this re- 
puted lake, are some of the richest gold mines in the 

1 Raleigh was beheaded in 161 8, technically under an old sentence of 
thirteen years' standing for treason, but in reality at the instance of the 
King of Spain, whose American possessions he had thus invaded. 

2 A shipwrecked member of the Ordaz expedition of 1531. 



The Disputed El Dorado 271 

known world, and that they had been worked by the 
Indians from time immemorial. 

This particular region, and indeed the whole of Guay- 
ana, was, as I have said, first discovered by the Span- 
iards. They it was who first sailed along its coasts, first 
ascended its great rivers, first penetrated to the interior, 
first brought back reports of its marvellous wealth of 
gold, and first planted the nucleus of European colonies 
there. All that the agents or subjects of other nations 
did or attempted to do, was to rob and plunder these 
infant settlements, or to supplant the Spanish discov- 
erers in their territorial possessions. 

Sir Walter Raleigh was the first of these adventurers. 
In 1595 he sailed up the Orinoco river as far as the 
Caroni in search of the fabled El Dorado, and sacked 
the little Spanish town of San Thome. 3 The Dutch 
came three years later, in 1598, and then only on a tour 
of observation. Raleigh's subsequent adventures, ex- 
tending through a period of more than 16 years, were 
a series of disasters ; and for more than a quarter of a 
century, those of the Dutch were quite as unsuccessful. 
The Spaniards held the country against all second 
comers. Finally, however, by means of their great 
West India Company, a belligerent corporation formed 
in 1 62 1, at the close of the twelve years' truce in the 
long war between Spain and her revolted Dutch prov- 
inces, 2 the Dutch succeeded in gaining a foothold at 
the head of the Essequibo delta; 3 and the hostile pos- 

1 Near the head of the Orinoco delta. 

2 Charles V. of Spain, as heir to the house of Burgundy, inherited and 
united the Dutch provinces under his sceptre early in the sixteenth cen- 
tury. His son, Philip II., who succeeded to the throne in 1555, by his 
harsh and impolitic treatment of the Reformers, excited the provinces to 
rebellion. An almost continuous war of over seventy-two years followed, 
terminating in the general Peace of Westphalia in 1648. 

3 To be exact, oa a river island, at the junction of the Cuyuni and 



272 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sessions thus obtained, were held till the general peace 
of 1648, when they were confirmed to the Dutch by the 
Treaty of Munster. 

Up to about the year 1624, Guayana was therefore 
an undivided possession of Spain ; but now that a break 
had been made, other nations took advantage of the 
circumstance to help themselves to as much of the 
country as they could severally acquire. The French 
obtained a footing near Cape Orange, where they estab- 
lished the nucleus of their present colony. The English 
soon had a small settlement near the mouth of the 
Surinam. And later on, amid the incidents of those 
turbulent times, the country became partitioned among 
as many as five nationalities. Thus Brazil is the owner 
of that portion near the Amazon which Portugal had 
wrested from Spain. France still retains Cayenne, now 
known as French Guiana. The Dutch retain the Sur- 
inam Colony (now known as Dutch Guiana), which 
England exchanged for what is now the State of New 
York, in North America. Great Britain owns the three 
settlements of Demerara, Berbice, and Essequibo, which 
she captured from the Dutch in 1803, and were after- 
wards ceded to her by the treaty of 18 14. While Ven- 
ezuela, as the successor in title of Spain, owns the rest, 
which up to 181 1 was known as "Spanish Guayana," 
and constituted an integral part of the Captaincy Gen- 
eral of Caracas. 

Between the two adjacent portions last named — that 
is, those owned by Great Britain and Venezuela, respec- 
tively — there had never been any clearly defined divi- 
sional line ; nor is it probable that either Holland or 
Spain ever knew just where such a line ought to be. 

Mazaruni, eight miles from the west bank of the Essequibo. The place 
was known as Fort Kyak-overal, and was on the site of an old Spanish 
fortification which had been abandoned some years before. 



The Disputed El Dorado 273 

The Dutch \ claimed a portion, and Spain claimed all, 
of the intervening wilderness between the Essequibo and 
the Orinoco ; but while they had often quarrelled about 
it, neither had established permanent settlements there. 
However, after the year 1768, when the Dutch had 
been driven, out of the Cuyuni basin, and from the 
Barima river, both had tacitly recognized a de facto 
line, which, beginning on the coast at the mouth of the 
Moroco, followed the water-parting and natural bar- 
riers southeastward to the Essequibo, some 60 miles 
above its mouths. 

This was the cordition of affairs in 181 1, when Ven- 
ezuela succeeded to Spain's title, and when England suc- 
ceeded to Holland's title three years later. The old 
dispute as to boundary was not revived," however, till 
1822, and then only in a very mild form; for the first 
Colombian Union (that of 18 19), of which Venezuela 
was still a member, was too weak, unstable, and short 
lived to assert and maintain its territorial claims in 
Guayana. So that, after lying dormant for nearly a 
quarter of a century, the controversy was suddenly re- 
vived by the ill-advised Schomburgk agitation of 1839— 
40. In 1 841, England's ex parte line, generally known 
as " the Schomburgk line," was run, of which, how- 
ever, more will be said presently. 

Venezuela protested against this arbitrary procedure, 
and the negotiations which followed, in 1844, resulted 
in the disclaimer by England of the so-called Schom- 
burgk line. Six years later, in 1850, a truce was en- 
tered into which restored the status quo, and practically 
re-established the old Moroco de facto line of 1768. In 
1879-80, each party began to accuse the other of vio- 
lating this truce, inasmuch as each alleged that the other 
had attempted to occupy certain portions of the dis- 
puted territory. The controversy soon became acrimo- 

18 



274 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

nious, and in 1887 England forcibly seized and fortified 
the main mouth of the Orinoco. As she refused to 
withdraw to the eastward of the Moroco, and thus 
re-established the status quo ante, Venezuela declared 
all diplomatic relations suspended. Such was the 
origin of" the Anglo-Venezuelan question '• of 1895, of 
which I shall speak at length in the succeeding chapter. 

More particularly described, the territories in dispute 
constitute three distinct and well-defined tracts, each of 
which is plainly marked out by natural monuments of 
rivers and mountains. The first of these, known as 
the " northwest coast region," lies between the Moroco 
river and the easternmost or main estuary of the Orinoco, 
and is bounded on the north by the Atlantic ocean and 
on the south by the Imataca range of mountains, thus 
comprising an area of about ten thousand square miles. 
It is watered by the rivers Imataca, Aguire, Aratura, 
Amacuro, Barima, and Waini, besides a number of small 
streams and cauos, most of which are navigable, and all 
find outlets in the eastern or main estuary of the Ori- 
noco. So that, notwithstanding its great area, this 
region is, in reality, an integral (and practically an 
inseparable) part of the great delta of the Orinoco. 

Back of this, to the southeast, and separated from it 
by the Imataca range of mountains, is the great interior 
basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, a great lozenge-shaped 
tract, containing an area of perhaps more than twelve 
thousand square miles. It is completely cut off from 
the northwest coast region by the Imataca range of 
mountains, and is quite as effectually separated from 
the Essequibo drainage region on the east and southeast 
by the great Roraime-Pecaraime range of mountains ; 
while its western side is separated from the Orinoco 
drainage basin only by a water-parting of gentle slopes 
and undulating plateaux. Consequently, all the natural 



The Disputed El Dorado 275 

and available approaches to this interior basin region 
are from the Orinoco side ; and the history of the 
country shows that there had never been any successful 
attempt at colonization or settlement from any other. 

The third tract is a small triangular-shaped strip 
between the Essequibo and Moroco rivers, having for its 
base some 25 miles of Atlantic sea-coast, the Essequibo 
river for its eastern side, and its apex at the first or 
lower cataracts of the Essequibo, about sixty miles from 
the coast. Each line and corner of this triangle is 
distinctly marked by natural monuments. Thus on the 
coast is the mouth of the Moroco, whence all north- 
westward is Orinoco delta, and all southeastward is 
Essequibo delta. Following the well-defined water- 
partings from the upper reaches of the Moroco, without 
crossing a single stream or mountain range, we come 
to the first or lower falls of the Cuyuni, where that 
river breaks through a mountain rim nearly 300 feet 
high, and only about ten miles from the west bank of the 
Essequibo. Proceeding thence, less than six miles south- 
eastward, we come to the foot of the first or lower falls 
of the Mazaruni, where that river breaks its way through 
another section of the same mountain rim, fully 250 
feet high, and about the same distance from the Esse- 
quibo. From thence, the line extends but a short 
distance southeast to the great geological break which 
forms the first or lower falls in the Essequibo. Beyond 
these falls, and beyond those in the Cuyuni and Maza- 
runi, neither Dutch or English settlements ever pene- 
trated prior to the year 1880. 

That England had such a title to this triangular strip 
of territory, situated between the Essequibo and the 
Moroco, as long and continuous occupation could give, 
can hardly be controverted ; and if her claim had been 
limited to this tract, as it had been up to Schomburgk's 



276 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

time, there is little probability that there would ever 
have arisen a vexatious boundary question, although 
Venezuela claimed to the west bank of the Essequibo. 
Or, if, on the other hand, Venezuela had accepted a 
slight modification of the old Moroco de facto line, 
as proposed by Lord Aberdeen in 1844, when he dis- 
claimed the Schomburgk line and ordered it obliterated, 
the boundary question would have ended then and there 
without loss or inconvenience to either party. 

But in international disputes, as in private quarrels, 
neither party is ever wholly in the right ; or if either 
be in the right at the beginning, both usually manage to 
get into the wrong before their differences are finally 
adjusted. And such was the case in the present con- 
troversy. Instead of wisely limiting her claim to the 
triangular strip of territory between the Essequibo and 
the Moroco, to which (despite the plain provisions of 
the treaty of Munster) she might have reasonably 
claimed by prescription, England extended her claim 
to the whole of the northwest coast region, and also 
to nearly the whole of the interior basin region of the 
Cuyuni-Mazaruni. She predicated this new claim upon 
alleged prior occupation by the Dutch, which was 
historically incorrect, for the Dutch never really occu- 
pied a foot of either ; and she attempted to strengthen 
this claim by alleging title conveyed, directly or indi- 
rectly, by the savage occupants, which was quite as 
untenable. For if such conveyances were ever actually 
made (which was never proven), there is no one prin- 
ciple more firmly incorporated in the modern law of 
nations than that savage occupants of a territory are 
incapable of conveying the sovereignty. They can 
convey only their right of occupancy ; and that only by 
the consent of the sovereign, which in the present case 
was Venezuela, as the heir of Spain. 



The Disputed El Dorado 277 

As if conscious of the inherent weakness of her 
position, England sought to further strengthen it, with 
respect to the interior basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, 
by alleging that her material possession of the mouths 
of those two rivers gave title to the water-shed drained 
by them. This was likewise untenable. Mere posses- 
sion, by a second comer of the mouth of a river, its 
upper reaches being previously occupied and continu- 
ously held by a civilized state, can give no title to 
its drainage basin above. This has been too long a 
settled principle, and is too generally observed by all 
civilized nations, to be a matter of serious dispute ; and 
still less so, when, as in the present case, the only nat- 
ural and available approaches to the water-shed of the 
Cuyuni and Mazaruni are not from the mouths of those 
rivers at all, but from the Orinoco side. 

Venezuela's claim to the triangular__s trip between the 
Moroco and thlTEssequiJi Q-Ayas-frever tenable in the face 
of adverse occupation by the Dutch and English for 
more than two centuries. But her claim to the other 
two tracts was on a different basis. It was predicated 
upon prior discovery and actual occupation, or upon ex- 
clusive political control. That Spain was the first dis- 
coverer, had never been controverted ; and that she was 
the first actual occupant was equally certain. True, her 
settlements were not continuous ; there were often wide, 
unoccupied spaces of wilderness between them. Yet, 
up to 181 1, when her title descended to Venezuela, she 
had occupied these parts in the name of the whole, and 
thus held constructive possession of both tracts as wholes. 
Moreover, while neither of the two tracts were ever 
essential to the growth and prosperity of the Dutch or 
English settlements on the Essequibo, both were essen- 
tial to the natural expansion and safety of the Spanish- 
Venezuelan settlements on the Orinoco. A glance at 



278 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

any good map of the country will make this plain, even 
without referring to the history of those settlements, 
which merely illustrates it. Thus the Dutch settle- 
ments, starting at the Essequibo, all grew eastward toward 
the Surinam ; while the Spanish settlements, starting on 
the Orinoco, extended eastward toward the Essequibo. 

Another circumstance had an important bearing on 
the controversy. No one who has ever visited the 
great swamp delta of the Orinoco, or the coast region 
between the eastern estuary of that river and the 
Moroco, can be in doubt as to its purely alluvial char- 
acter and comparatively recent origin. Each of these 
sections of the delta was at no very remote period 
covered by the waters of the Atlantic and of the Gulf 
of Paria. Probably not later than the middle of the 
twelfth century, the coast line began near the left mar- 
gin of the Moroco, and extended around by what are 
now the upper reaches of the Barima and Amacuro 
rivers to the head of the present delta, above the 
island of Tortola. The rivers Waini and Barima, which 
now cut their way through this alluvium belt to the 
Barima channel (the eastermost estuary of the Orinoco), 
once disembogued into the Atlantic, many leagues to 
the eastward, at the points where they now turn so 
abruptly westward and begin their course parallel with 
the present coast line. Even as late as one hundred 
and fifty years ago, according to Gravesande, the Dutch 
governor of the Essequibo colony, the mouth of the 
Waini was not where it now is, but several leagues east- 
ward on the Atlantic coast. 1 And Hartsinck, in his 
map of a later date (1770), merely corroborates this. 
It is quite evident from his own brief account of his 
unsuccessful efforts to enter the mouth of the Orinoco, 
that Columbus, at the time of his first and only visit 
1 Gravesande's map, 1749. 



The Disputed El Dorado 279 

there, in 1498, found the coast line many miles — per- 
haps leagues — nearer the head of the delta than it now 
is ; for the current, now so sluggish as to be almost 
imperceptible, was then, as he states, so strong as to 
baffle all his efforts to ascend it. 

We can readily understand, therefore, why the first 
Spanish settlement and fortification on the Orinoco, 
founded about the year 1 53 1 , was situated oh the firm 
banks of the river just above the head of the delta, 
instead of below it on the alluvial and swampy banks of 
the main estuary, where no white man could live. 
Even as it was, the location was so near the inhospitable 
swamps and salt marshes below, and complaints of 
unhealthfulness were so numerous and persistent, that a 
royal Order was finally given to move the garrison 
farther up the river. 

Of the thirty odd channels leading directly or circuit- 
ously from the present coast line to the head of the 
Delta, only two are navigable by ocean vessels, the 
Macardo and the Boco de Navios. The first named is 
available only during about six months in the year, and 
then only for vessels of light draught. The second 
named, which disembogues into the Atlantic nearly a 
hundred miles farther eastward, between Crab Island 
and Barima Point, has a uniform depth of about sixty 
fathoms, and is navigable at all seasons by the heaviest 
naval vessels. In fact, all the modern marine charts 
show this to be the only ship channel from the coast to 
the head of the Delta, and that the used part of this 
channel passes almost within a stone's throw of Barima 
Point; while just inside Barima Point is Barima Cano, 
a body of water more than half a mile wide, sixty miles 
long, and fully seventy feet deep at low tide, which is 
completely sheltered by land and forest from both sea 
and wind. 



280 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

It is manifest therefore that the Boco de Navios, and 
Barima Point, constitute the key to the eastern portion 
of the delta region, and command the only available 
ship entrance to the great river Orinoco. Thence up- 
ward the Orinoco is navigable by the heaviest ocean 
steamers as far as Ciudad Bolivar? a distance of about 
400 miles as the river runs. Within this distance, the 
river receives the v/aters of some 20 navigable affluents ; 
while above Ciudad Bolivar it is still navigable by light 
draught steamers for hundreds of miles. On its eastern 
or Guayana side alone, above this point, it receives the 
waters of more than seventy large streams; while on 
its western side, it receives the waters of about thirty 
more, most of which are navigable. Thus the Apure, 
which flows through the very heart of Venezuela, is 
navigable by light draught steamers for about 300 
miles. Another (the Meta) is navigable by the same 
class of steamers as far up as the town of Villavicencia, 
only a few leagues distant from Bogota, the capital of 
the Republic of Colombia. And the upper reaches of 
the Orinoco, as already observed, are connected with the 
navigable waters of the Amazon by means of the Case- 
quiera channel and the Rio Negro, thus affording a 
trans-continental water-way. 

It is no marvel, then, that Spain should have guarded 
this malarious and inhospitable delta region of the 
Orinoco with such jealous care ; for it was then, as now, 
the great highway to nearly a quarter of the South 
American continent. With Barima Point, the Boco de 
Navios, and the Barima Cano in the hands of a hos- 
tile power, the Vice-royalty of New Granada and the 

1 Formerly known as Angostura, or " The Narrows." At present it 
is the political capital of one of the largest and richest states of the nine 
which constitute the Venezuelan federal Union, and is the second only 
of Caracas in commercial importance. 



The Disputed El Dorado 281 

Captaincies-General of Venezuela and Guayana would 
have been constantly menaced and difficult of success- 
ful defence. Nor have these conditions changed since 
the independence of the country. If some great naval 
and commercial power, like England, should ever be- 
come the permanent occupant of the northwest coast 
region, with full control of the eastern estuary of the 
Orinoco, radical changes would soon be wrought in the 
commercial relations of at least three of the Latin- 
American Republics. Their sovereignty and territo- 
rial integrity would be constantly menaced, and it 
■would not be a great while before the United States 
would be forced to a choice between an armed defence 
of the Monroe Doctrine and its total and final abandon- 
ment. 

As before stated, England's claim to this Barima 
region had never been heard of prior to Schomburgk's 
time in 1839-40; for it was Schomburgk who first 
pointed out "the political importance of the Orinoco 
mouth in any settlement of the boundary question that 
might be made." * And in his official report, speaking 
specifically of the rivers Waini and Barima as integral 
parts of this delta region, he used this language : — 

" They are so closely connected by branches and tributaries 
that they afford an inland navigation from the Moroco to the 
Orinoco, and their importance in a political and commercial 
respect is therefore evident." 2 

And again, speaking of Barima Point, he said : — 

" A strong battery established there . . . would prevent any 
vessel from entering the Orinoco drawing more than eight feet 
of water ; " and " would command entirely the entrance to the 

1 Schomb. Br. Guiana, p. 17; Schomb.'s Raleigh, p. 115; Br. Parlia- 
mentary Papers, 1840, vol. 34, p. 327. 

2 Ibid. 



\ 



282 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Orinoco by the Boco de Navios . . . the Dardenelles of the 
Orinoco." 1 

The Dutch, as I have said, never extended their settle- 
ments west of the Moroco. They never maintained an 
outpost or trade station west of that river. They never 
made a grant of lands west of that river. There could 
not be, therefore, any valid claim to the Orinoco mouth 
based on prior occupation by the Dutch. And equally 
invalid, as I have said, was the British claim to title in 
virtue of alleged treaties with Indian tribes, first put 
forth officially by Lord Salisbury in 1880; for if such 
treaties ever existed, they would have been worthless. 
On the discovery of the American continent, the prin- 
ciple adopted by European nations, in order to pre- 
vent conflicting claims and consequent wars, was that 
discovery, supplemented by possession within a reason- 
able time, gave title to the discovering nation. What- 
ever may have been the rights of the savage occupants, 
they had no eminent domain; that pertained alone 
to the discovering nation or to its legal successor, 
which uniformly claimed and exercised the sole right 
to extinguish the Indian title of occupancy. This was 
a right which each European nation asserted for itself, 
and to the assertion of which all assented. 

Equally untenable was the British claim to title in 
virtue of alleged " Protectorates " of those Indians ; for 
a protectorate implies statehood or sovereignty in the 
protected, no less that in the protecting nation, and is 
established when the protection is procured by engag- 
ing to perform certain service, or to pay certain tribute 
for service performed. In either case, there is an act 
of sovereignty by both the contracting parties. The 

1 Schomb. Br. Guiana, p. 17; Schomb.'s Raleigh, p. 115; Br. Parlia- 
mentary Papers, 1840, vol. 34, p. 327. 

■ 
\ 



The Disputed El Dorado 283 

:ompact differs from ordinary treaties only in so far 
is it creates a difference in the dignity of the contract- 
ng parties. Protectorates, therefore, can exist only be- 
:ween organized bodies politic ; and tribes of nomadic 
savages, such as inhabited or roamed over the region 
of the Orinoco delta, were not organized bodies politic. 
Never at any time since the discovery of America had 
they been so regarded. As bodies politic or states, 
international law knows nothing of them ; and their 
pilesence in a territory in no way affects acquisition of 
domain by a civilized nation. The territories in which 
they live, or over which they roam, are as between 
civilized nations res niillius or "vacant" lands. 

The British claim to the Orinoco mouth was even 
more untenable from yet another point of view. It is 
a principle too well established to be a matter of con- 
troversy, and almost too familiar to need citation, that 
the nation which incontestably owns the firm banks of 
a river is, ipse facto, the legal owner of the delta islands, 
estuaries, and shores below. No matter whether these 
be materially occupied by the owner of the river above, 
-O-y* whether they be inhabited only by savage tribes, 
they are not terras nullius which another nation may 
"seize and appropriate to its own use, and thus be 
enabled to establish a hostile control of the river's 
mouth. This rule is as old as the Roman law itself, 
arid has been cited with approval by every authority, 
from Grotius and Vattel to Wheaton and Phillimore. 
Not only has it been affirmatively declared, but it has 
been specifically applied, by British jurists. Thus the 
British High Court of Admiralty, nearly a century ago, 
applied it in a decision which has stood unshaken ever 
since. I allude, of course, to Lord Stowell's decision 
in. the celebrated case of The Anna, rendered in 1808; 1 

1 Robinson's Admiralty Reps. v. pp. 373-385. 



284 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

and that decision applies as aptly to the mouth of the 
Orinoco, as it did to the mud islands and estuaries ,pf 
the Mississippi delta. 

It is manifest then that England's claim to the 
Orinoco mouth had really nothing to sustain it, attd 
that her claim to the interior basin of Cuyuni-Mazarujii 
was very little better supported. The only support 
to either was the fact of material occupation, and as 
that was violent and recent in origin, it lacked both 
the essential elements of title by prescription, nameJy, 
lapse of time and peaceable possession. 



I 





CHAPTER XXIV 

■THE ANGLO-VENEZUELAN BOUNDARY DISPUTE 

"E have already seen, in the preceding chap- 
ter, how and under what circumstances the 
Guayana boundary dispute originated between 
Holland and Spain, near the middle of the seventeenth 
century; how, a century and a half later, it became 
the heritage of England and Venezuela; and how, after 
an intermittent existence of seventy-three years more, 
it culminated in a serious diplomatic rupture between 
those two countries, and brought them to the brink of 
war. I now propose to give some account of the con- 
ditions and circumstances under which the government 
of the United States became a party to that controversy; 
how that intervention led to the Tri-partate Agreement 
of January, 1897; how the Treaty of Arbitration, 
which followed in February of that year, constituted 
a new departure in at least one very important branch 
of international jurisprudence; and how the question 
was finally disposed of by award of the Arbitration 
Tribunal of October 3, 1899. 

I enter upon this task with some degree of reluc- 
tance, not because the facts are either doubtful or 
obscure, for they are neither; but because, having 
been, from the first, one of the principal actors in the 
drama, I shall be obliged to make more frequent allu- 
sion to myself than good taste would otherwise allow, 
and because, despite every care to avoid it, I may 



286 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics I 

possibly give offence by disclosing facts not hitherto 
made public, or by speaking too freely of facts already" 
known. However, the time has now come when the&a| 
true history of the case should be made public; ancfl 
whilst I shall be perfectly candid, I shall endeavor tc&jfi 
be equally just and impartial. 

After resigning my diplomatic position under thell 
government of the United States, in 1893, I accepted; 
a commission from the Venezuelan Government as it 
special agent and legal adviser; and, in that capacity, 
entered upon a final effort to bring about some amicable? 
adjustment of the Guayana boundary dispute. The; 
plan was to have the whole question referred to; 
friendly arbitration, which, at that time, seemed an 
almost hopeless undertaking. For, although the dis- 
putants had not as yet come to actual blows, a condi- 
tion of affairs existed which was liable to culminate in 
active hostilities at any moment. Venezuela had fully 
decided to resist, by force, any further encroachments 
upon what she deemed her rightful domain, and the 
British ministry seemed equally determined not to 
modify their ultimatum of 1891-92. But in order to 
a clear understanding of the case, and of the diffi- 
culties in the way to its amicable settlement, a brief 
review of the more salient points will be necessary. 

As already stated in the preceding chapter, prior to 
the year 1839, the British claim had not extended 
beyond the old Moroco de facto line of 1768, or even 
west of the Pumaron river. 1 In 1839-40 the Schom- 
burgk agitation was first started; and in 1841 the first 
so-called " Schomburgk line " was run. This line 
marked out the then "extreme limit" of the British 
claim in Guayana. Briefly described, the line was as 
follows : — 

1 See British Pari. Papers, vol. xxxv. p. 424. 



/ 
/ 



Anglo-Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 287 

Beginning at the mouth of the Amacuro river, on 
the eastern estuary of the Orinoco, it proceeded along 
the left or northern margin of the Amacuro to a point 
near the 60th meridian ; thence, after deflecting south- 
westward, so as to take in a considerable part of the 
great interior basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, it again 
turned eastward to the 60th meridian, where it crossed 
the 7th parallel of latitude; thence, proceeding in gen- 
eral direction southeastward, it took in Mount Iritibu 
and Mount Roraima; and thence proceeded in general 
direction eastward toward the Essequibo, without, how- 
ever, having any precise terminus. 

This was the original " Schomburgk line," not the 
line of that name which was marked out twenty years 
after Schomburgk's death; for, between 1841 and 
1890, the original line had been altered many times, 
and each time it had been so extended as to materially 
enlarge the British claim. 1 

Subsequently, when more moderate counsels per- 
vailed, Lord Aberdeen, then chief Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs, apologetically explained to the 
Venezuelan minister in London that this ex parte line 
was merely "tentative"; that it had been marked out 
as indicating England's extreme claim, and only "for 
convenience in future negotiations " ; and not, as 
Venezuela had supposed, for the purpose of extending 
British occupation. 2 A few weeks later, when the 
Venezuelan representative insisted that this line should 
be explicitly disclaimed, and the line itself obliterated, 

1 See map herewith. Official History Boundary Dispute, pp. 6-18. 
Schomb.'s Rep. 1841. Docs. U. S. Comn. on Boundary between Venez. 
and Br. Guiana, vol. ix. (Notes on the Schomburgk Line) pp. 29-72. 
Ibid, ("The Monroe Doctrine on Trial"), pp. 21-30. U. S. Foreign 
Relations of 1890-1-2. Seijas' Limites de Guayana, etc. 

2 Dip. Cor., Aberdeen to Fortique, Dec. II, 1841. Off. Hist. Dis. 
of the Guayana boundary dispute. 



288 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

"as a condition precedent to negotiations," the order 
was given from London to the British colonial authori- 
ties in Demarara to take down all posts, monograms, 
and other signs that had been set up by Schomburgk, 
— thus restoring the status quo of 1 838-39. * 

***" During the negotiations which followed, in 1844, 
Lord Aberdeen proposed a conventional divisional line, 
beginning at the mouth of the Moroco river, to run 
thence in general direction southward to the junction 
of the rivers Barama 2 and Aunama; thence southeast- 
ward to the river Cuyuni, near the mouth of the 
Acarabisi creek ; thence along the right margin of the 
Cuyuni to near the mouth of the river Yuruan ; thence 
eastward to Mount Roraima; and thence in general 

^direction northeastward to the river Essequibo. 3 

This proposition involved an extension of the old 
de facto line of 1768, in that it would give to England 
a considerable portion of the Cuyuni basin; but, 
despite this fact, it would have been accepted by 
Venezuela had it been made without conditions which 
she considered humiliating. For, in submitting it, 
Lord Aberdeen said his government was "disposed to 
cede to Venezuela " the territory beyond the proposed 
line, on the condition that the Republic would enter 
" into an obligation not to alienate any portion of that 
territory to a third power," and also not to "maltreat 
or oppress the Indian occupants." 4 As he refused to 
make these conditions mutual, Venezuelan pride was 

..piqued, and his proposition rejected. 

Negotiations continued at intervals, however, till 
1850, when, by exchange of diplomatic notes, the truce 

1 Same to same, Jan. 3, 1842. 

2 Not the Barima, as sometimes misprinted. 

3 See map. Off. Hist. Dis. of Boundary. Seijas' Limites, etc. 
* Lord Aberdeen to Sr. Fortiqn'., Mar. 30, 1844. 



/:/ 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 289 

mentioned in the preceding chapter was entered into, 
whereby neither party was to occupy or attempt to oc- 
cupy any part of the then occupied territory in dispute. 1 

Thus the matter rested till 1879-80, when Venezuela 
endeavored to re-open negotiations with a view to some 
final adjustment of the controversy. Replying to this 
overture, Lord Salisbury said that Her Majesty's gov- 
ernment then claimed, " in virtue of ancient treaties 
with the aboriginal tribes, and of subsequent conces- 
sions from Holland," all territory on the coast between 
the rivers Essequibo and Orinoco 1 likewise all terri- 
tory south of the Imataca range of mountains, east and 
northeast of a line extending from Barima Point to the 
tablelands of Santa Maria, — the line to extend from 
the last-named point to near the left margin of the 
Caroni river, and so around by the crest of the Pacaraime- 
Roaima range of mountains, to the Essequibo. 2 In 
other words, the claim had now been so expanded as to 
embrace not only all the territory within the original 
" Schomburgk line," but all territory within the several 
new and enlarged lines of that name. Indeed, as thus 
stated by Lord Salisbury, the claim included a vast 
region of about 60,000 square miles beyond the limits 
of even the latest expansion of the so-called " Schom- 
burgk line " ! 

Venezuela had all along consistently claimed that 
the Essequibo river was the legal boundary, in virtue 
of title derived from Spain in 181 1 ; but she had more 
than once intimated a willingness to accept a compro- 
mise on the old Moroco de facto line in 1768. Refer- 
ring to this, Lord Salisbury said that "under no 
circumstances could the Essequibo be accepted as a 

1 Off. Hist. Boundary Dis. etc., pp. 33-38. See also Dip. Corre 
spondence. 

- Ibid, 39-51. See map herewith. 

19 



290 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

possible boundary," but that he would "consider any 
reasonable proposition that Venezuela might submit." 1 

The Venezuelan envoy replied that, in order to 
come to some amicable settlement, he had been author- 
ized by his government to "waive the question of 
strict legal right," and to adjust the boundary dispute 
on "any reasonable compromise"; to which end he 
inquired whether the British Government was then 
disposed, as on a former occasion in 1844, to accept a 
modification of the old Moroco de facto line as a con- 
ventional boundary. 2 

To this Lord Salisbury replied that as the attorney- 
general of British Guiana was expected in London 
very soon, it was desirable to postpone further discus- 
sion till he should arrive. The attorney-general did 
not reach London till eight months later; and when 
Lord Salisbury's reply was finally received (two months 
afterwards), it was in the negative. The Moroco, he 
said, could not be considered as a possible boundary, 
but he would entertain a proposition for a conventional 
line, "beginning on the coast west 3 of that river, and 
east of the Orinoco mouth." 4 %4f 

The Venezuelan envoy then proposed, by way of com- 
promise, a boundary line beginning on the coast one 
mile west of the mouth of the Moroco, to run thence 
northwestward to the 60th meridian, and thence due 
eastward to the Essequibo; or, if that should not be 
acceptable, then a reference of the whole question to 
arbitration. 5 Neither proposition was accepted — per- 
haps not even seriously considered. 

1 See Official Correspondence. 

2 Seijas' Limites de Guayana. Off. Hist. Dis. etc. 

3 The term "west" is employed in the correspondence; but, accu- 
rately speaking, from the points of the compass, it should be N. W. 

4 Official Correspondence. Off. Hist. Dis. Guayana boundary dis- 
pute, etc. 

6 Ibid. 



/ 



\ 

/ 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 291 

Later on, in 1881, when Lord Granville came into 
power, the English Government proposed a divisional 
line, to begin west of the Waini river, near Point 
Barima; to extend thence in a straight line southeast- 
ward to the crest of Mount Yarikita (in the Imataca 
range); thence in direct line to the mouth of the 
Acarabisi creek (in the great interior basin of the 
Cuyuni-Mazaruni) ; thence to sweep round southwest- 
ward to the junction of the Yuruary and the Cuyuni 
rivers (thus including some newly discovered gold 
mines); and thence in general direction eastward, by 
way of Mount Roraima, to the Essequibo river. 

This proposition was rejected, and Venezuela again 
proposed arbitration, which was again declined. 1 

Four years later, in 1885, when negotiations were 
again renewed, the British Government agreed, through 
Earl Granville, then Chief Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs, to unite the boundary question with 
others then pending, and to refer the whole to a Board 
of Arbitration. 2 But just seventy-two days afterwards, 
when Lord Salisbury had returned to power, the new 
administration refused to ratify this agreement, or, in 
fact, to entertain any proposition looking to a reference 
of the boundary dispute, as a whole, to arbitration. 3 

Subsequently, in 1886, Venezuela again proposed 
arbitration, which was again rejected. It was then 
that Lord Rosebery (who had again come into power) 
proposed another divisional line, which still further 
extended the British claim, and which required, be- 
sides, that the Orinoco river should be declared open 
and free to British merchant vessels. 4 

1 Official Correspondence. Off. Hist. Dis. Guayana boundary dis- 
pute, etc. Dip. Cor. 

2 Dip. Cor., Earl Granville to General Blanco, May 15, 1885. Off. 
Hist. Dis. etc. 

3 Lord Salisbury to General Blanco, July 27, 1885. Off. Cor. 
* Ibid. 



292 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

In 1 89 1, and again in 1893, Venezuela sought to 
restore diplomatic relations on the basis of the status 
quo ante of 1850, and on a proposed preliminary agree- 
ment to refer the boundary question, as a whole, to a 
commission of jurists, to be named by mutual concert 
of both governments. 1 

Both these efforts failed, leaving the parties at 
greater variance than ever before. England refused to 
acknowledge any status quo other than that " then exist- 
ing," or to submit to arbitration her title to any terri- 
tories embraced within the new and enlarged " Schom- 
burgk line." She would accept arbitration only on 
one condition, namely, that her title to all territories 
within that line be "acknowledged as indefeasible"; 
after which she would agree to refer to arbitration any 
claim she might have to territory beyond that line. In 
other words, Venezuela must concede the justice of 
England's enlarged claim as a condition precedent to 
arbitration. 2 

Without going further into tedious details, the his- 
tory of the British claim may be briefly summarized 
as follows: — 

1. In 1814, England acquired from Holland about 
20,000 square miles of territory in Guayana, a con- 
siderable portion of which had been in dispute be- 
tween Spain and Holland prior to that time. 

2. Up to 1838, England claimed the Pumaron river 
as the "western limit" of this acquisition, — the then 
disputed territory being understood as limited to the 
triangular strip between the Pumaron and the Esse- 
quibo rivers. 

3. Between the years 1839 and 1841, England com- 

1 Venezuela Yellow Book, 1893: Official Correspondence. 

2 Ibid. Ld. Rosebery to Dr. Michilena, Off. Hist. Dis. etc., pp. 251- 
264. 



/ 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 293 

missioned Robert Schomburgk to survey and mark out 
a tentative divisional line, which added about 60,000 
square miles to the British claim, none of which, how- 
ever, west of the old Moroco de facto line, had hitherto 
been considered in dispute. 

4. In 1885, by further alterations and extensions, the 
British claim had grown to about 80,000 square miles. 

5. In 1886, the British claim was again extended so 
as to embrace about 20,000 additional square miles. 
Indeed, the claim had now become so enlarged and 
indefinite as to excite apprehension that it no longer 
pretended to follow historical traditions or evidence. 

At no time had Venezuela even tacitly recognized 
any one of these ex parte divisional lines. On the 
contrary, she had specifically and publicly protested, 
in the most solemn manner, against each and all of 
them ; and, in general, against all encroachments west 
of the Moroco river; and for nearly a quarter of a 
century she had been persistently asking that the 
boundary question, as a whole, be submitted to an 
impartial tribunal of arbitration. 

Another feature of the British claim, developed dur- 
ing the last stages of the controversy, had excited sur- 
prise, and given rise to grave apprehensions. After 
it had been conclusively shown that up to 1850 neither 
the Dutch or English had ever actually occupied a foot 
of land west of the Moroco, or above the first or lower 
falls of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni, England claimed 
that subsequent occupation by British subjects, al- 
though made over Venezuela's vigorous and repeated 
protests, and in clear violation of the truce of 1850, 
give prescriptive title to the British Government ! 
"Her Majesty's subjects are already settled there, and 
Her Majesty's government must protect them in their 
interests," was the inspired utterance of the London 



294 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

court journals; and Lord Salisbury had given expres- 
sion to practically the same pretension in his official 
note of January 10, 1880. 1 

Of course this position was wholly untenable. For 
even if it be admitted without .substantial proof that 
these were bona fide settlers, and not mere squatters or 
mining prospectors (as they really were), we have the 
astonishing proposition that unoccupied territory within 
the domain and jurisdiction of a free state is subject 
to colonization by British subjects; and that such 
colonization, after the lapse of less than twenty years, 
invests the sovereignty in the British Government. 
Such a principle once admitted, with respect to Ven- 
ezuela, would have to apply equally to all the other 
South American Republics; and if it should apply to 
all the South American Republics, wherefore should 
it not apply as well to Central America and to Mexico, 
and, indeed, to certain unoccupied territory within the 
domain and jurisdiction of the United States? Mani- 
festly, it must apply to all or to none. 

Such was the logical sequence, if not the imminent 
possibilities, of this new and enlarged phase of Guayana 
boundary question; and it was precisely this covert, 
but ever-present feature of it that alarmed the Latin- 
American states, and gave to the question an inter- 
national importance it had not hitherto assumed. For 
it was manifest that territory thus acquired by an 
European power, involved either an act of war or an 
act of piracy; and, either case, it would be as much a 
violation of the Monroe Doctrine as if the territory 
had been seized by British troops or covered by British 
fleets. 

After the diplomatic rupture of 1887, Venezuela had 
been, constant in her efforts to interest foreign powers, 

* Br. Blue Book (Venezuela), 1896, p. 295. 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 295 

and more especially the United States, hoping thereby 
to induce Great Britain to modify her extreme preten- 
sion, and to consent to a reference of the whole ques- 
tion to friendly arbitration. Ten of the Latin- 
American Republics had each, separately, addressed 
the British Government on the subject, recommending 
settlement by arbitration. Spain had proposed friendly 
mediation at an early stage of the controversy. And 
the government of the United States had more than 
once tendered its good offices as the friend of both 
parties. Strangely enough, all these friendly over- 
tures were treated with cold indifference by the British 
ministry. Worse still, on one occasion, Lord Salis- 
bury, very politely, but quite plainly, intimated that 
Her Majesty's government considered all such over- 
tures an unjustifiable impertinence. 

Such was the condition of the case in August, 1894, 
when I undertook to bring it to friendly arbitration. 
There was, it seemed to me, but one way to do this. 
England could be induced to recede from her extreme 
position, and agree to arbitration, only by pressure of 
intelligent public opinion ; and this could be brought 
about only through the active and determined inter- 
vention by the United States, in the defence of the 
principles of the Monroe Doctrine. 1 

At that time it seemed extremely doubtful whether 
the government at Washington could be induced to 
take this step. In democratic countries, rulers are 
generally very careful not to get in advance of what 
they conceive to be popular sentiment; and the people 
of the United States were then too deeply engrossed 

1 Subsequent developments revealed the fact that the British ministry 
and people were misled and deceived, perhaps unintentionally, by the 
colonial authorities of Demarara, otherwise, the boundary dispute could 
never have reached this acute stage. 



296 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

in grave domestic questions to give much attention to 
boundary disputes in South America, even though the 
Monroe Doctrine might be involved. President Cleve- 
land had broken with the leaders of his party, and the 
Congress was divided into discordant factions. It 
would convene in final session in December, and go 
out of power in March following; and the probabilities 
all were that the new Congress (the 54th) would be 
still less in accord with the Administration. In any 
case, it was clear that there would have to be " a cam- 
paign of education," — a direct appeal to the people, 
the source of all political power. 

So, in October, 1894, the first edition of my 
pamphlet, entitled " British Aggressions in Venezuela, 
or the Monroe Doctrine on Trial," was published. It 
contained a brief outline of the origin and history of 
the Guayana boundary dispute, and of the principles 
involved in this new phase of the controversy. Copies 
were sent, with an accompanying note by the author, 
to the editors of the leading newspapers and magazines, 
both in this country and in England ; also to the 
members of Congress, then at their respective homes 
in the different states ; to the governors and leading 
members of the general assemblies of the several 
states; and to the principal clubs and public libraries 
in all the large cities. The publishers had likewise 
placed copies on sale at the news-stands and book-stalls 
in the more important literary and political centres. 
By the time Congress convened, in the first week of 
December, the little pamphlet had run through four 
large editions, and the " Anglo-Venezuelan question," 
and its relations to the Monroe Doctrine, had already 
become the uppermost topic of the hour with the news- 
paper press. 

TKe next move was to get Congress to take up the 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 297 

question in the tangible form of a joint resolution by 
unanimous vote of both Houses, supporting the Presi- 
dent's recommendation (made in his annual message 
of December, 1894), that both disputants agree to 
refer their differences to friendly arbitration. Colonel 
Leonidas F. Livingston, the Representative in Congress 
from my home district in Georgia, very kindly agreed 
to introduce such a resolution, and to move its refer- 
ence to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He like- 
wise filed with it a brief statement of the reasons why 
the resolution ought to be favorably reported upon. 
The resolution thus submitted was as follows : 

"Whereas, in the present enlightened age of the world, 
when international disputes in general, and more particularly 
those pertaining to boundary, are in constant process of ad- 
justment by joint commission or by outside arbitration ; and 

" Whereas, since the existing boundary dispute in Guayana 
between Great Britain and Venezuela ought not to constitute 
an exception to the general rule, but should the more naturally 
come within the scope and range of modern international pre- 
cedent and practice, in that it turns exclusively upon simple 
and readily ascertainable historical facts ; and 

" Whereas, since it would be generally gratifying to all 
peace-loving people, and particularly to the impartial friends 
of both parties, to see this long-standing and now very dis- 
quieting boundary dispute in Guayana settled in a manner 
just and honorable alike to both, to the end that possible 
international complications may be avoided, and American 
public law and traditions peaceably maintained : Therefore, 

" Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, 
etc., That the President's suggestion, made in his last annual 
message to these bodies, namely, that Great' Britain and 
Venezuela refer their dispute as to boundary in Guayana to 
friendly arbitration, be earnestly recommended to the con- 
sideration of both the parties in interest," 



298 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

In due course, this resolution was referred to a sub- 
committee, which made a favorable report; and two 
days later, when it went before the House, it was 
passed without a dissenting vote. On the 7th of Feb- 
ruary, it went to the Senate, and was there referred 
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. On the 13th, 
the Committee, at its first regular session, reported 
favorably (after, however, striking out the preamble), 
and on the same day, the Senate passed the resolution 
without a dissenting vote. On the 17th, the House 
unanimously concurred. The resolution then went to 
the President, who, after promptly signing it, 1 directed 
that copies of it be sent to Mr. Bayard, then United 
States ambassador at London, with instructions to 
acquaint Lord Salisbury with its contents, and to urge 
Her Majesty's government to consent to refer the 
whole question of boundary to impartial arbitration. 

Mr. Bayard reported back, in substance, that he was 
told, first, that England had " nothing to arbitrate " ; 
second, that Venezuela had no accredited diplomatic 
agent in London with whom to treat; and, finally, in 
very diplomatic language, that the boundary question 
between Great Britain and Venezuela was a matter in 
which the United States had no concern ! 

Mr. Gresham, Secretary of State, then informed the 
Venezuelan agent that nothing more could be done 
until Venezuela should send a minister to London. 
To this the agent replied that Venezuela would gladly 
accredit a minister to England whenever assurances 

1 The resolution, as signed by the President, is as follows : " Re- 
solved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, 

" That the President's suggestion, made in his last annual message to 
this body, namely, that Great Britain and Venezuela refer their dispute 
as to-boundary (in Guayana) to friendly arbitration, be earnestly recom- 
mended to the favorable consideration of both parties in interest." 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 299 

were given that he would be properly received, or that 
Her Majesty's government would modify the ultima- 
tum of 1890-93. That ultimatum, as already pointed 
out, practically assumed to decide the question of 
boundary in advance ; since by it England's claim to 
the Orinoco mouth, and to all the territory within the 
expanded " Schomburgk line," could not be submitted 
to arbitration under any circumstances. 

Some days later, when I again called on Mr. Gresham, 
at his private apartments, I pointed out the reasons 
which made it impossible for Venezuela to take the 
initiatory step he had suggested ; how Venezuela could 
not accept the terms of the British ultimatum without, 
thereby fully conceding, in advance, the validity of 
England's claim, and consequently not without forever 
abandoning her own, — in which case there would be 
indeed " nothing to arbitrate," as Lord Salisbury had 
said. In short, that it would be nothing less than a 
surrender of the rights of the weaker party to the arbi- 
trary demands of the stronger ; and this, although done 
in open contempt of the principles of the Monroe Doc- 
trine, would be accomplished with the full knowledge 
and concurrence of the government of the United 
States. I urged him, therefore, to reconsider the 
matter before announcing his final decision. 

Some weeks later, when I again saw him, and again 
urged him to press the matter of arbitration upon the 
British Government, he seemed more favorably dis- 
posed; but before he had fully made up his mind, he 
was taken seriously ill, and died soon afterwards. Had 
he lived, there can be little doubt that he would have 
taken the matter up and pressed it vigorously. 

During Mr. Gresham's illness, the only course left 
was to appeal directly to the President. He was then 
at Woodley, his country residence, where (it had been 



300 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

officially given out) he had gone " for a little rest, and 
would receive no one, not even one of the Senators." 
Nevertheless, I ventured to call upon him. He received 
me very cordially, and accorded me an interview 
of more than an hour, at which we went over the 
whole ground of the Anglo-Venezuelan controversy. 
When I left him, I entertained no doubt as to his 
future course in the premises. For although he had 
remained prudently non-committal, as was expected, 
he had promised to personally " look into the matter " ; 
and that promise, by such a man, meant some ultimate 
action of a decisive character. 

This was late in May, 1895. The events which 
followed in quick succession are matters of public 
notoriety. What Sir Julian Paunceforte, the British 
Ambassador at Washington, characterized as " that 
fiery note" of July 20th (by Mr. Olney, addressed to 
the British Government through Ambassador Bayard 2 ) 
called forth Lord Salisbury's dogmatical reply of No- 
vember 26th. 2 This, in turn, called forth President 
Cleveland's celebrated Special Message to Congress, of 
December 17th. 3 And this last resulted in the prompt 
passage (by unanimous vote of both Houses) of the 
Act, approved December 21, 1895, making an appro- 
priation of $100,000 for the expenses of a commission 
(to be appointed by the President) to " investigate and 
report upon the true divisional line between the Repub- 
lic of Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana." 4 

The commission was appointed and organized early 
in January, 1896, with Mr. Justice Brewer of the United 

1 Off. Hist. Dis. Guayana Boundary, pp. 380-412 ; also Senate Docs, 
No. 31, 54th Cong. 1st Sess.; also U. S. Foreign Relations, 1S95. 

2 Ibid. pp. 4I3-435- 

3 Ibid, also Mess, and Docs., t;4th Cong. 

4 Public Act No. 1., 54th Cong. 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 301 

States Supreme Court as president; the other four 
members being Chief Justice Alvey of the Court of 
Appeals of the District of Columbia, Hon. Andrew D. 
White of New York, Prof. Daniel C. Gilman of Mary- 
land, and Mr. Frederick R. Coudert of New York. 

Of course this was merely an ex parte tribunal. It 
had not been invested with any international authority 
or character. Neither Venezuela nor England was a 
party to it; and neither of them could be bound by its 
decisions further than they might subsequently agree to 
that end. It was merely to report to the President, and 
through him to the Congress, the result of its investiga- 
tions. Still, it was of such a character that its decision 
could not be ignored by the enlightened opinion of the 
world, nor be disregarded by either party in interest. 
So both were formally invited to appear before it by 
agent or counsel, and to submit such evidence of title 
as they might care to produce. Venezuela responded 
promptly by appointing an agent and counsel to pre- 
sent her case ; and England, after hesitating awhile, sub- 
mitted her case indirectly, together with the evidence in 
its support, through the British Ambassador. 1 

The commission entered upon the task systemati- 
cally and methodically. Its members were well 
fitted for it, both by education and experience. 
Three of them were eminent jurists. The other two 
were men of ripe scholarship and varied attainments. 
All of them were men of affairs, and rigidly impartial. 
With ample means at their disposal, they spared no 
expense in order to make their investigations thorough 
and complete. They went behind the evidence sub- 

1 Venezuela was represented before the Commission by the Author, 
as Special Agent and General Counsel. England submitted her case 
through the State Department by Sir Julian (now Lord) Paunceforte, 
British Ambassador in Washington. 



302 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

mitted, and employed historical experts and linguists 
to search the old Dutch and Spanish colonial archives 
at The Hague and at Seville and Madrid, the Missionary 
records and maps at the Vatican in Rome, and any orig- 
inal manuscripts and maps bearing upon the subject 
that could be found in the great libraries of the world. 
Everything having the remotest relevancy to the early 
discovery and settlement of Guayana, or to the condi- 
tion and boundaries of the Spanish and Dutch settle- 
ments in the West Indies, from the beginning of the 
sixteenth to the close of the eighteenth century, was 
carefully collected, arranged in chronological order, 
translated, and critically examined. h 

Under this impartial and searching inquiry, it soon 
became apparent that the British claim to the north- 
west coast region, and to the great interior basin of 
the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, was practically without founda- 
tion ; and that Venezuela's claim to the Essequibo region 
was little or no better supported. 

The British claim to the two tracts first named, rested 
upon alleged prior occupation, or upon alleged continu- 
ous political control, by the Dutch ; whereas there was 
not a particle of evidence that the Dutch had ever at- 
tempted to establish a settlement west of the Moroco, 
but abundant evidence that the whole Orinoco delta 
region, as far east as the Moroco, had always been 
under the exclusive political control of Spain. The 
Dutch had once, in 1757, attempted to establish a kid- 
napping and slave-trading station within the great in- 
terior basin of the Cuyuni ; but the Spaniards drove 
them out, under assertion of sovereignty, in 1758-59, 
and they never returned. 

The Venezuelan claim to the Essequibo region was 
based upon prior discovery and occupation, or upon 
continuous political control by the Spaniards. It ap- 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 303 

peared, however, as a matter quite beyond dispute, that 
while the Spaniards had been the first discoverers and 
occupants of that river, and possibly the first occupants 
of the triangular strip between it and the Moroco, they 
had abandoned both prior to the date of the Treaty of 
Munster of 1648 ; that they had never made a success- 
ful effort to reclaim any territory east of the Moroco ; 
and that the Dutch and English had continuously oc- 
cupied, or had exercised exclusive political control over 
this tract for about two hundred years. 

In August, 1896, when these facts began to leak out, 
England intimated a willingness to modify her extreme 
position, and to submit her claims to arbitration with- 
out any reservation as to the so-called " Schomburgk 
line." This concession, however, was more apparent 
than real. For she now insisted upon the reservation 
of all " settled districts," and of any unoccupied adjacent 
territory over which she then exercised " political con- 
trol." As this occupation and control, west of the 
Moroco river, was of recent date, and violent in ori- 
gin, her proposition could not be accepted. Finally, 
however, after much discussion, a tentative agreement 
was entered into between the Secretary of State and 
the British ambassador, to arbitrate the question as a 
whole, covering all the territory between the Essequibo 
and the Orinoco rivers ; but with the understanding 
that exclusive and continuous occupation during a 
period of fifty years next preceding the date of the 
Agreement, should give good and perfect title; and 
that exclusive "political control" over any unoccupied 
territory during the same period, might be deemed by 
the arbitrators sufficient to give good title. 

The arbitral Tribunal was to be composed of five 
jurists, who should " investigate and ascertain the extent 
of the territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be 



304 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

claimed by, the United Netherlands, or by the King- 
dom of Spain, respectively, at the time of the acquisi- 
tion by Great Britain of the Colony of British Guiana," 
and " determine the boundary line between " British 
Guiana and Venezuela. In deciding the matters thus 
submitted, the Tribunal was to " ascertain all the facts " 
which it might deem necessary to a decision of the con- 
troversy, and to be governed by " such principles of 
international law," not inconsistent with certain Rules 
agreed upon, as it should deem applicable to the case. 
The " Rules " were as follows : — 

" (a) Adverse holding or prescription during a period of 
fifty years shall make a good title. The arbitrators may deem 
exclusive political control of a district, as well as actual settle- 
ment thereof, sufficient to constitute adverse holding, or to 
make title by prescription." 

" (b) The arbitrators may recognize and give effect to 
rights and claims resting on any other ground whatever, valid 
according to international law, and on any principles of inter- 
national law which the arbitrators may deem to be applicable 
to the case, and which are not in contravention of the fore- 
going rule." 

" (c) In determining the boundary line, if territory of one 
party be found by the tribunal to have been at the date of 
this treaty in the occupation of the subjects or citizens of the 
other party, such effect shall be given to such occupation as 
reason, justice, the principles of international law, and the 
equities of the case, shall, in the opinion of the Tribunal, 
require." 

Such was the agreement. It was some time before 
Venezuela could be induced to fully accept tl rms. 

The Boundary Commission, which had been tacitly 
recognized by Great Britain, was still intact; and Ven- 
ezuela preferred to await the final result of its invest!- 



Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary Dispute 305* 

gations, and to abide by its decision, whatever that 
might be. Moreover, she did not quite relish the 
appearance of being ignored ; for neither the govern- 
ment at Caracas, nor its accredited agent in Washington, 
had been very closely consulted as to the terms, and she 
naturally objected to the fifty years' period of prescrip- 
tion. However, when it was given out semi-officially 
by the Secretary of State (Mr. Olney) that the Boun- 
dary Commission would be dissolved, and that Ven- 
ezuela could hope for no better terms, the agreement 
was embodied in the Treaty of Arbitration of Febru- 
ary 2, 1897, the ratifications of which were duly 
exchanged at Washington on the 14th of June 
following. 



20 



CHAPTER XXV 

THE AWARD BY THE ARBITRATION TRIBUNAL OF 1 899 

IN the two preceding chapters, we traced the 
Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute in Guayana 
from its remote origin, early in the seventeenth 
century, to the date of the treaty of February 2, 1897, 
whereby the whole question was to be referred to a 
court of arbitration. It is now in order to review the 
result of the proceedings of that tribunal, as an- 
nounced in its final award of October 3, 1899, and to 
ascertain in how far its decision may be in accord 
with the conditions of the treaty, or warranted by the 
law and the facts in the case. 

But first, in order to a clear understanding of the 
subject, let us briefly consider the unique character of 
the tribunal itself, and the conditions and limitations 
under which it entered upon its duties. 

By the terms of the treaty, the tribunal was to be 
something of a novelty in the history of international 
affairs. It was not to be a commission composed of 
plenipotentiaries invested with diplomatic functions ; 
nor was it to be an arbitral commission in the gen- 
erally accepted sense. It was to be an international 
court of special judicature, composed of five jurists 1 
Two of these were to be chosen on the part of Great 
Britain, two on the part of Venezuela, and the fifth 

1 Art. ii. Tr. Feb. 2, 1897. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 307 

(who was to be president of the tribunal) was to be 
selected by these four, or, in the event of their failure 
to agree, by the King of Sweden. 1 The two on the 
part of Great Britain were to be nominated by the 
Judicial Committee of Her Majesty's Privy Council; 
and the two on the part of Venezuela were to be nomi- 
nated, one by the President of that Republic, and the 
other by the justices of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 2 

Those selected on the part of Great Britain were 
Baron Herschel and Sir Richard Hen. Collins, of Her 
Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature; but the first 
named having died soon after his appointment, Lord 
Chief Justice Russell was appointed to fill the vacancy, 
as provided in the treaty. 3 Those selected on the part 
of Venezuela were Chief Justice Fuller and Associate 
Justice Brewer of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. Each of the litigants was to be represented 
by an agent and by counsel. 

As thus constituted, the tribunal was to have full 
and final jurisdiction of the case as a whole; and in 
order to a decision, the concurrent opinion of a major- 
ity of the judges was necessary. 4 The high contract- 
ing parties obligated themselves to consider such 
decision "a full, perfect, and final settlement of all of 
questions referred." 5 

The judges were to " investigate and ascertain the 
extent of the territories belonging to, or that might 
lawfully be claimed by the United Netherlands or by 
the Kingdom of Spain, respectively, at the time of the 
acquisition by Great Britain of the Colony of British 
Guiana," and to "determine the boundary line between 
the Colony of British Guiana and the United States 

l Art. ii. Tr. Feb. 2, 1897. 2 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 

4 Art. v. 5 Arts. iii. iv. and xiii. 



308 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of Venezuela." 1 And in deciding the matters thus 
submitted, they were to "ascertain all the facts" in 
the case, and to be governed by certain rules laid 
down in the treaty; and, also, " by such principles of 
international law " (not inconsistent with those rules) 
as the judges might "deem applicable to the case." 2 

These rules are three in number, marked "a," "b," 
and "c," in the treaty, and are identical in terms 
with those in the original protocol. 3 By the first, 4 
"adverse holding or prescription during a period of 
fifty years" was "to make 5 a good title." This clause 
was mandatory. It left to the judges no discretion in 
the premises. And it was certainly novel and unusual. 
Up to that time, all writers on international law who 
had advocated the application of the principle of pre- 
scription between nation and nation, had omitted to 
suggest any exact period of time within which title 
might be established by continuous material posses- 
sion. All were agreed that prescription gave pre- 
sumptive title only; that it was merely evidence of 
title and nothing more; that it neither created nor 
destroyed title. It created a presumption, equivalent 
to full proof, that good title existed, the origin of 
which had faded from memory. But it differed from 
full proof in this, namely, that while full proof was 
conclusive and final, prescription was conclusive only 
until it was met by counter-proof or by a stronger 
counter-presumption. 6 

1 Arts. iii. and v. The word "the " was significantly substituted for 
" a " in the original draft of the protocol. 

2 Art. iv. 3 Supra, p. 304. 

4 Marked " a " in the treaty. 

5 Not merely to create a presumption of title ; thus indicating a new 
departure in the doctrine of prescription. 

6 Wharton, Dig. Int. Law, vol. i. § 2 ; Phillimore, vol. i. ; Vattel, Bk. 
i.; Wheaton's Elements; Twiss, Law of Nations; Lawrence, Law of 
Nations, etc. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 309 

By the second clause of Rule "a," the judges were 
authorized, at their discretion, to "deem exclusive 
political control of a district " for fifty years, as well as 
actual settlement during that period, " sufficient to 
constitute adverse holding, or to make 1 title by pre- 
scription. " This clause, however, seems to have been 
inserted merely for the purpose of greater clearness 
and caution. Actual settlement; continuously main- 
tained for fifty years, would, of course, be such an 
"adverse holding" as would establish good title under 
the plain terms of the first clause of the rule, actual 
" settlement " being understood as fixed residence, with 
intention, sufficiently made known, of always remain- 
ing there. 2 But both parties claimed to have held, 
or to have exercised exclusive political control over, 
large tracts of territory beyond their respective settle- 
ments, inhabited or roamed over only by savage tribes; 
and it was in consideration of this class of conflict- 
ing claims that the second clause in Rule "a" was 
inserted. 3 

By the second Rule, marked "b" in the treaty, the 
judges were authorized to "recognize and give effect to 
rights and claims resting on any other grounds what- 
ever valid according to international law, and on any 
principle of international law " (not inconsistent with 
Rule "a"), which they might "deem applicable to the 
case." 4 In other words, the whole scheme of the 
treaty, barring the single exception in favor of the 
" fifty years' " clause, was that the boundary line should 
be determined, not as a compromise or as a matter of 
expediency, but as a matter of right, and in accordance 

1 The -word " make " is again employed in the treaty. 

2 Vattel, Law of Nations, Bk. i., chap. xix. § 218. 

3 Protocol and correspondence of January, 1897. 

4 Art. iv. 



310 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

with the principles of public law and the evidence 
submitted. 

There were, also, certain private interests involved. 
During the fifteen or twenty years next preceding the date 
of the treaty, British subjects had overpassed the old 
de facto boundary line of 1768, 1 and had established what 
were claimed to be settlements there. In most instances, 
these "settlements" were probably little more than 
mining camps or police stations, and therefore lacked 
the element of permanency. In any case, they were 
too recent in origin to give title by prescription under 
Rule "a," even if other requisites had not been want- 
ing. Nor could they come within the scope of that 
familiar rule of law which sometimes makes binding on 
the country all necessary administrative acts performed 
by the party in possession. Still, it was thought that, 
although trespassers from the beginning, and their 
presence a violation of the diplomatic agreement of 
1850, 2 these alleged "settlers" might have acquired 
certain equities for improvements or betterments which 
ought to be recognized, quite independently of the 
question of boundary. So, to provide for these possi- 
ble private interests, the third Rule, marked " c " in 
the treaty, was agreed upon. By that Rule, if, " in 
determining the boundary line, territory of one party " 
should be found to have been, at the date of the 
treaty, "in the occupation of the subjects or citizens 
of the other," the judges were authorized to give "such 
effect to such occupation as reason, justice, and the 
principles of international law and the equities of the 
case" might in their opinion require. 3 

Such was the character of the tribunal ; such the 

1 See supra, chap, xxiii. pp. 273, 275 ; chap. xxiv. pp. 288, 292. 

2 See supra, chaps, xxiii. and xxiv. 

3 Art. iv. Rule "c." 



\ 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 311 

conditions and limitations under which it entered 
upon the discharge of its duties. Let us now recur, 
very briefly, to the more salient facts in the case, as 
disclosed by the evidence submitted, and to some of 
the principles of public law applicable thereto. But, 
before doing so, a word in explanation of the authori- 
ties to be cited seems necessary. 

Both parties had appealed to the Dutch Archives at 
Georgetown and at The Hague, and to the Spanish 
Archives at Caracas, Seville, and Madrid, in support 
of their respective contentions. Certified copies of 
some of these documents had been submitted to the 
Washington Commission of 1896.. But that commis- 
sion, in order to verify these, and to collect such per- 
tinent historical data as might have been overlooked or 
omitted, sent special experts and linguists to each of 
the depositories named, and collected certified copies 
of all documents found of record that had even the 
remotest bearing upon the question at issue. These, 
together with the documents submitted by the parties, 
were arranged in chronological order, with English 
translations in parallel columns, and printed in bound 
volumes. Official copies of these volumes were sub- 
mitted in evidence before the Arbitration Tribunal, 
and will also be found in the Congressional and State 
Department Libraries at Washington, and in the 
public libraries at London and Caracas. For the sake 
of brevity, therefore, these documents will be cited 
here, by volume and page, as "Docs. Washn. Comn." 

That Spain was the original discoverer of the terri- 
tories in dispute, was not contested. The Dutch and 
English were second comers. Raleigh's first expe- 
dition, early in 1595, was nearly a century after the 
Spaniards had discovered, explored, and taken posses- 
sion of the country in the name and by authority of 



312 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

the King of Spain. 1 The Dutch did not come till 
three years later, in 1598. 2 And both found the 
Spaniards in possession, with established settlements 
and fortifications sufficiently strong to successfully 
repel invasion. 3 Both came, then, as disseizers, and, 
as disseizers, neither held inchoate title to be perfected 
by actual settlement. 4 Neither had the exclusive 
right to occupy. 5 That remained with Spain, the 
original discoverer and first occupant. 6 

Spain, as the original discoverer, not only materially 
occupied substantial parts of each of the three tracts in 
the name of the whole, but she, in fact, excluded all 
others from the interior of each; and this, by itself, is 
held by all jurists to be a most decisive act of 
dominion. 7 Against such, or against any possession, a 
second comer may, in the absence of other controlling 
elements, acquire title by open, notorious, adverse 
occupation, if continued long enough ; but, in such 
case, his title is limited to his actual occupation. 8 
For a century and a quarter after discovery, Spain held 
each tract against all second comers. The English 
under Raleigh and Keymis, after twenty years of 
unsuccessful effort, failed to oust the Spaniards, or to 

1 Hackluyt, vol. xv. pp. 69-71; Winsor, Nar. & Crit. Hist. Ama., 
Span. Ex. & Settls., 15th to 16th cent., vol. ii. pp. 133 et seq.; Irving, 
bk. x. chap. ii. and iii. ; Peter Martyr, i. Lib. vi. ; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., 
lib. i. chap. 138; Herrera, lib. iii. chap. 10; Netscher, Hist. Guayana, 
chap. iii. 

2 The Hague Records, Docs. Washn. Comn. vol. ii. pp. 12-60 et seq. 

3 Ibid. ; also Raleigh's Guiana. 

4 Marshall, C. J., 8 Wheat. 572 ; Paine's Reps. ii. 457 ; Whart. Dig. 
Int. Law, §§ 2-209; Twiss, Law of Nations, §§ 111-114; Phill. Int. 
Law, i. ccxxii. ; Vattel, bk. i. § 207. 

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 

7 The territories in dispute consisted of three well defined tracts, 
marked by natural monuments ; see supra, chap, xxiii. pp. 273-275. 

8 Ibid. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 313 

gain an entrance, much less to plant a single settle- 
ment in either tract. * 

The Dutch were equally unsuccessful up to 1624,2 
when they entered the third tract (2. e., the triangular 
strip between the Essequibo and the Pumaron) as 
belligerents. 3 They ascended the Essequibo river as 
far as the mouth of the Cuyuni, some forty-five miles 
from the coast; and thence ascended the Cuyuni, 
eight miles to the Cuyuni-Mazaruni junction, less 
than five miles below the great falls in those rivers, 
where they found an abandoned Spanish fort, which 
they occupied. 4 At that time the Spaniards still held 
the great interior basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, whose 
only available entrance was then, as now, from the 
Orinoco side. 5 And they still held exclusive posses- 
sion of the northwest coast region. 6 

It was not till the middle of the eighteenth century 
that the Dutch attempted to penetrate the country 
above the lower Cuyuni falls. As soon as their pres- 
ence was discovered, they were promptly driven out 
by the Spaniards, under assertion of title, and never 
afterwards returned. 7 Similarly, in 1768^ the Dutch 
traders were driven out of the Barima river, in the 



1 Span. Arch. (Docs. Washn. Comn.) i. p. 30 ; Schomb.'s Raleigh, 
pp. 79, 92, 149; Gumilla, Hist, de las Indias, pp. 9-79; Hackluyte, xv. 
pp. 69-71, 80; Docs. Washn Comn., i. pp. 40-42, ii. pp. 13-22 ; Winsor, 
ii. and iii., loc. cit. ; Hume, Hist. Eng., ii. p. 90, and Note ; Molliens' 
Travels, etc., p. 124, etc. 

2 Docs. Washn. Comn., i. pp. 166-179, 100 et seq. ; ii. pp, 23-39, 102, 
127, 128 ; iv. Atlas. 

3 Ibid. 

4 Ibid. 

5 Ibid. ; also supra, chap, xxiii. 

6 Ibid. 

7 Span. Arch. (Docs. Washn. Comn.) ii. pp. 1-35 et seq. ; Dutch 
Arch. (Docs. Washn. Comn.) vols. i. and ii. ; Br. Blue Book (Sup. Ed. 
1896), pp. 111-115; 117-137; and 154-166. 



314 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

northwest coast region, and never afterwards returned. 1 
So that thenceforth a de facto divisional line was estab- 
lished, beginning at the mouth of the Moroco river, 
and running thence along the natural water-parting, 
around to the great falls in the rivers Cuyuni and 
Mazaruni, and thence in direct line southeast to the 
great falls in the Essequibo. 2 

Even up to 1838 the situation had not materially 
changed, except that the Dutch outpost on the coast 
east of the Moroco having been abandoned, the English 
claimed only to the Pumaron river, which had been 
officially announced as the westernmost limits of the 
Colony of British Guiana. 3 In 1846, two years after 
the " Schomburgk line " had been disclaimed by Lord 
Aberdeen on behalf of his government, 4 and the posts 
and monograms which had marked its existence had 
been taken down or obliterated by his order, 5 the 
British had practically abandoned the Pumaron, their 
westernmost settlements then being some fifteen miles 
east of that river. 6 Nor had these conditions mate- 
rially changed in 1850, when the status quo ante was 
established by diplomatic agreement. 7 

It is true that Schomburgk, in 1840, and Lord Salis- 
bury some forty years later, claimed prior occupation 
by the Dutch of Barima Point, and also of the entire 
Barima river region up to the Moroco. But in both 
instances this claim was conclusively shown to be 
without foundation. The Dutch had never really occu- 

1 Docs. Washn. Comn., ii. pp. 414-426; i. pp. 231-234; ii. pp. 394, 
639, 644-647, 659-661. 

2 Ibid. ; supra, chap, xxiii. 

3 Pari. Papers, 1828, vol. xxiii., App. ; Pari. Paps., 1839, vol. xxxv. p. 
424 ; Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. vii. 

4 Supra, chaps, xxiii. and xxiv. 
s Ibid. 

6 Pari. Papers, vol. 63, Appendix. 

7 Pari. Papers, vol. 53, App. ; Docs. Washn. Comn. vol vii. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 3 1 5 

pied a foot of ground, nor ever controlled a single 
navigable stream, west of the Moroco river. 1 The 
only semblance of fact in support of Schomburgk's 
claim is an incident which occurred in 1683. In the 
beginning of the "dry season," in that year, when the 
Indians would be collecting dyes and other products 
of the forest, Abraham Beekman, Commandeur of the 
Essequibo Colony, which was then under the control of 
the Dutch West India Company, caused, for the first 
time, an employe of the company to " visit " the upper 
reaches of the Barima river, 2 "close by the Pumaron," 3 
for the purpose of bartering with the natives. 4 That 
the "visit" or sojourn of this employe was to be 
temporary and experimental, and in no sense an occu- 
pation, is abundantly shown by Commandeur Beekman's 
letter to the managers of the company. 5 

By the end of March, 1684, just as the periodical 
"wet season" was about setting in, the Commandeur, 
still acting on his own responsibility, and without 
authority or instructions from the company or from 
the Dutch government, caused to be built there "a 
little shelter" 6 for the accommodation of the Pumaron 
"outrunner," 7 who was to "visit" that locality in order 

1 De Laet, p. 583 ; Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. i. pp. 248-249, 261-263; 
vol. ii. pp. 257 et seq. 

2 Not the Barima channel, as is sometimes erroneously stated. 

3 Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. ii. pp. 155-158. 

4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. pp. 1 58-160. 

6 Plaisterhuisje, an improvised and temporary shed of bamboo and 
leaves, resting on four posts set in the ground, such as an Indian would 
build in a single night. (Docs. Washn Comn., vols. i. and ii. pp. 203-204, 
loc. cit. ; 150, 161, 172, 257 ; Netscher, pp. 374, 377.) 

7 The Dutch West India Company kept agents or " outrunners " 
(tiitloopers) who scoured by canoe or on foot remote districts, stirring up 
the Indians to bring in the native products of the forest and barter them 
at the nearest "post" or trading station. Sometimes these " outrun- 
ners" would carry into the wilderness rum and trinkets for exchange, 
and return with the Indian productions. 



316 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

to stir up the Indians to greater activity in the dye 
trade. 1 In reporting this to the company, the Com- 
mandeur expressed the hope that his action would be 
approved, in which case (but not otherwise) he pro- 
posed to establish an "outliership " there. Should 
his action not be approved, then the "outrunner's 
visits," as also the "little shelter," would be aban- 
doned. 2 

His action was never approved; nor was his sug- 
gestion as to a permanent outliership ever considered. 3 
On the contrary, he was severely reprimanded for 
transcending his authority; his financial honor was 
impeached; his commercial common-sense discredited; 
and even the bad grammar of his official letters was 
mercilessly criticised. 4 Soon afterwards he was dis- 
missed from the service, although he had never again 
alluded to the subject of the proposed Barima "post." 5 
Neither did his successor, nor the directors of the 
company ever once allude to it. 6 Nor do the muster 
rolls of the company's employes (complete from 1691 
to 1703) show the existence of any "post," "fort," or 
other Dutch establishment on or anywhere near the 
Barima, from its mouth to its source. 7 Moreover, the 
company's payrolls, and those of the Essequibo Colony 
(both complete from the year 1700 on) never once 
mention a Barima "post," or anything like it. 8 

Such was the only foundation for the claim, so per- 
sistently repeated since Schomburgk's time, that the 

1 Docs. Washn. Comn., ii. pp. 150, 161, 172, 257. 

2 Docs. Washn. Comn., ii. pp. 155-159, 160-169. 

3 Ibid. 

4 Docs. Washn. Comn., i. p. 26S ; ii. pp. 164-169, 170-172, 181, 182; 
Netscher, pp. 372-374. 

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 

7 Docs. Washn. Comn., ii. pp. 192-199. 

8 Ibid. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 317 

Dutch once had a "post," or a "fort," or a "settle- 
ment," or a "plantation," or a something implying 
permanent occupation at or near the mouth of the 
Barima river ! And we have already seen 1 that the per- 
sistently-repeated claim, that the Dutch once occupied 
the interior basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni, never had 
any better foundation than the fact that some Dutch 
slave-traders were once driven out of there by the 
Spaniards, under assertion of title, and that the Dutch 
government, by acquiescing, conceded title to Spain. 

Under these circumstances, presumptive title to both 
tracts as wholes was with Venezuela as the legal suc- 
cessor of Spain, and the burden of proof lay with the 
adverse claimant. 

Having failed to prove her title by occupation, Eng- 
land was thrown back upon her claim to title in virtue 
of exclusive political control; and this she sought to 
establish by the alleged maintenance, first by the 
Dutch, and subsequently by the English, of "Protec- 
torates of Indians" in the uninhabited districts of 
those tracts. 

It is difficult to understand how a claim predicated 
on such grounds could be seriously considered by a 
judicial tribunal. A protectorate, as we have seen, 2 
implies statehood on the part of the protected ; and it 
is established when the protection is secured by engag- 
ing to perform certain service, or to pay certain tribute 
for service performed. 3 It can exist by treaty only 
between organized bodies politic, the compact differing 
from ordinary treaties only in so far as it creates a 
difference in the dignity of the contracting parties. 4 
It cannot exist where one of the parties is a tribe of 

1 Supra, chaps, xxiii. and xxiv. 

2 Supra, ibid. 

3 Vattel, bk. i. chap. xvi. § 192 
* Ibid. 



31 8 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

nomadic savages; 1 because they are not organized 
bodies politic, and the lands over which they roam, or 
which they occupy, are res nullius until taken into 
possession by some civilized state. Protectorates by 
treaty may and do exist where one of the parties to the 
contract is a semi-barbarous state, as, for instance, in 
some parts of Asia; but it is none the less an organ- 
ized body politic, and its lands no longer open to occu- 
pation. Not so with the savages of the American 
continent. At no time since the discovery of the 
continent by Europeans, have the Indian tribes, the 
native occupants of the soil, been treated as states. 
As organized political communities, international law 
knows nothing of them. They have no sovereign 
power. They cannot even convey their right of occu- 
pancy without the sanction of the sovereign power. 
Any deed or treaty made or entered into by them to 
that effect is null and void ab initio ; and any attempt 
by another power to intrude into the territory occupied 
by them, or any attempt to interfere with or control 
them, has always been considered such an act of 
aggression as would justify war. 2 Any treaty, there- 
fore, by either Holland or England with these savage 
tribes, would have been a legal nullity; and any 
protectorate established over them by either, would 
have been a casus belli. 

But even if this were not true, the acts of the parties 
themselves as alleged, and the facts as proven, show 
that neither Holland nor England ever had a protecto- 
rate of Indians in the disputed territories. Neither of 



1 Vattel, bk. i. chap. xvi. § 192. 

2 Vattel, bk. i. chap. vii. § 81 ; Phillimore, § 258; Twiss, Law of Na- 
tions, chap. viii. ; Calvo, Le Droit Int., § 281 ; 5th Peters' Reps., i. p. 18 ; 
8th Wheat. Reps., pp. 543-573 ; 6th Cranch, 87, 142 ; Pari. Papers (1845), 
vol. xxxiii. ; also of 1844, vol. xiii. See also Despagnet, Essaisur les 
Protectorates. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 319 

them ever had the form of a treaty with any tribe of 
those Indians; or, if they did, it was never once pro- 
duced. Nor is there any circumstantial evidence that 
such a treaty or treaties ever existed. Briefly, the 
facts are these : — 

Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, 
when the sugar industry began to be profitable, the 
Dutch planters on the coast and on Essequibo estuaries 
were in great need of slave labor. They wanted more 
"red slaves," 1 but they particularly wanted to prevent 
the escape of fugitive negro slaves to the wilderness. 2 
For these purposes they employed the Carib Indians 
to kidnap and bring into the colony Indians of the 
more docile tribes. Sometimes these Indian slaves 
were taken from the frontier Spanish missions, some- 
times from the intermediate country, but always from 
beyond the regions adjacent to the Dutch settlements. 3 
For the "red slaves," or piotos (as they were called), 
thus brought in, the Dutch would pay the Caribs so 
much per head on delivery; and they also paid them 
so much per head for every runaway negro slave they 
brought back alive, or so much per hand for the right 
hand of every one they killed. 4 On several occasions, 
the Caribs and other tribes inhabiting the wilderness 
between the Dutch and Spanish settlements were em- 
ployed by the Dutch against the "bush negroes," 5 

1 Indians that had been kidnapped by Dutch traders and sold as 
slaves to planters on the coast. 

2 The negro slaves imported from Africa often fled in great numbers 
to the wilderness and were difficult to reclaim. 

3 Docs. Washn. Comn., ii. p. 243 ; vol. viii. No. ii. pp. 1-35 et seq. ; 
Timehri, x. 14, 15 ; ii. 348, 349. 

4 Ibid. See Governor van's Gravesande's letters to the Dutch West 
India Company. In such cases the hands were nailed to posts about 
the plantation as a warning to the negro slaves. 

5 Runaway negro slaves banded together in the dense forests near 
the frontiers of the Dutch settlements, often becoming a terror to the 
planters on the coast and river estuaries. 



320 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

especially in times of slave insurrections, and were 
paid for their services in rum and trinkets. 1 

When the slave trade ceased, the Dutch, and after' 
wards the English, sought to conciliate these savage 
tribes, and to keep them from raiding the feeble 
Essequibo settlements, by periodical "presents" to the 
chiefs and their adherents. 2 But both declared, again 
and again, that this was done to buy peace of the 
savages, of whose strength and ferocity the colony was 
in constant dread, 3 and not as an obligation in virtue 
of any prior contract or agreement. 4 

Up to 1 83 1 these relations between the whites and 
Indians had not changed. The British colonial authori- 
ties neither claimed nor exercised jurisdiction or con- 
trol over the Indians in the territories west of the 
old de facto line of 1768. This fact was very clearly 
brought out in the course of a trial of an Indian for 
murder by a British colonial court in May of that year. 
The jurisdiction of the court had been challenged on 
the ground that the murder took place beyond the 
limits of the colony. 5 The sworn testimony adduced 
was that there were "no white settlers " above the first 
or lower Cuyuni falls, and " only two or three " be- 
tween those falls and the Mazaruni junction; 6 that 
some Indians also lived between those falls and the 
junction ; 7 and that the murder took place in this region 
(i. e., below the falls), and therefore within British 
jurisdiction. 8 On this testimony, the court decided 
that it had jurisdiction; 9 the plain implication being 
that it had none above the falls. 

1 Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. ii. 

2 Ibid. ; Br. Blue B., 1896 (Venez). 

3 Ibid. 

4 Br. Blue Book, 1896; Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. ii. 

5 Ibid. App. pp. 168-177. 

6 Ibid. ' Ibid. 
8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 3 21 

The mass of testimony at the trial disclosed another 
important fact, namely, that at no time or place had 
either the Dutch or English "protected" or assumed 
to protect or control any Indian tribes outside the im- 
mediate limits of the actual settlements. 1 In other 
words, the alleged " Protectorate of Indians " was a 
myth, pure and simple. 

On the other hand, it is shown by the Seville 
Archives 2 that the Spaniards, who claimed and exer- 
cised jurisdiction over these territories, gathered the 
more docile tribes of Indians into mission towns and 
settlements; pursued and chastised those who, having 
been thus incorporated, ran away; 3 coerced the more 
fierce and refractory tribes into submission, or drove 
them out or exterminated them; 4 and forced the 
Indians to the civilizing effects of steady labor by 
compelling its performance against their will. 5 All 
this had been done openly and continuously for more 
than two centuries ; yet it nowhere appears, nor has it 
ever been alleged, that the Dutch or English ever once 
protested or instituted measures to prevent it. What 
the Dutch did was to employ the Caribs to kidnap 
other Indians for the slave market; 6 to make raids for 
this purpose into territories remote from the Dutch 
settlements; 7 and when these raiders were caught by 
the Spaniards, to abandon them, without protest or 
remonstrance, to the tender mercies of their captors. 8 

Nor had the relations between the whites and Indians 
materially changed in 1840. In that year Schomburgk 
found, in the northwest coast region, 9 what he con- 

1 Br. Blue Book, 1896; Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. ii. 

2 Docs. Washn. Comn., vol. viii. No. ii. 

3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 
5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 
7 Ibid. ; also, vol. ii. 8 Ibid. 

9 That is, the coast region west of the Moroco. 
21 



322 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

sidered "cruelty and oppression" practised by the 
Venezuelans against the Indians; 1 yet it seems never 
to have occurred to him, nor to the British authorities 
with whom he conferred, that the English were or ever 
had been " protectors " of these unfortunate Indians, 
and therefore competent to interpose in their behalf. 
On the contrary, both he and the colonial governor saw 
but one way by which these Indians might be "pro- 
tected," and that was by so extending the boundaries of 
the colony as to include the territory which they occu- 
pied. At any rate, it was not till after the so-called 
" Schomburgk line " had been set up, and therefore not 
till after the Barima region had been included in the 
British claim in virtue of alleged prior occupation, that 
any solicitude was manifested for the welfare of the 
Indians. It was then, for the first time, that the 
Demarara authorities were directed to "resist any 
aggressions upon the Indians" by Venezuela; and the 
order was expressly limited to Indians living within 
the new boundaries set up by Schomburgk, and there- 
fore within the assumed territorial limits of the 
British colony. 

Such, in brief outline, was the evidence submitted to 
the Tribunal of Arbitration. To recount all the col- 
lateral facts and corroborative testimony would require 
volumes. The entire evidence adduced by the con- 
testants constitutes sixteen printed volumes, besides a 
great number of topographical and historical maps. 
Copies of all these are accessible to any' one who may 
care to verify the facts herein-above stated. 

After its final session at Paris, and, presumably, 
after a patient perusal of all the evidence, the Arbi- 
tration Tribunal announced its decision on the 3d of 

1 Pari. Papers, 1840, vol. xxxiv. ; Schomb. Rep., Blue Book and Sup- 
plement, 1S96. 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 323 

October, 1899. With respect to boundary, that deci- 
sion was unanimous; and the divisional line agreed 
upon is described in Volume II. of the Proceedings, 
as follows : — 

" Starting from the coast at Point Playa 1 the line of boun- 
dary shall run in a straight line to the river Barima at its 
junction with the river Mururuma, 2 and thence along the raid- 
stream of the latter river to its source, and from that point 
to the junction of the river Hiowa 3 with the Amukaru, 4 and 
thence along the midstream of the Amakuru to its source in the 
-Imataka Ridge, 5 and thence in a southwesterly direction along 
the highest ridge of the spur of the Imataka mountains to the 
highest point of the main range of such Imataka mountains 
opposite to the source of the Barima, and thence along the 
summit of the main ridge in a southeasterly direction of 
the Imataka mountains to the source of the Acarabisi 6 to the 
Cuyuni, and thence along the northern bank of the river 
Cuyuni westward to its junction with the Wenamu, 7 and thence 
following the midstream to the Wenamu to its westernmost 
source, and thence in a direct line to the summit of Mount 
Roraima, and from Mount Roraima to the source of the 
Cotinga, 8 and along the midstream of that river to its junction 

1 " Duck Point " of recent charts ; also " Guayana Point " in the Sail- 
ing Directions for the Hobbs Chart, page 31. It is the northwestern 
point of entrance to the Waini river, and is about 25 miles east of Moco- 
moco Point. 

2 Variously spelled Mururiciana, Mururuima, and Murimama. 

3 Sometimes mispelled Halowa. 

4 Variously spelled Amacura, Amakura, Amacuro, Amacourou, Am- 
macoura, etc. 

5 Variously called the Imataca Range, the Serrania de Ymataca, and 
Serrania de Imataca. It is the dividing ridge between the Northwest 
coast region and the great interior basin of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni. 

6 Sometimes designated as a rivulet, sometimes as a river, sometimes 
as a creek. It is a small stream, navigable only at certain seasons by 
light canoes. 

7 Variously spelled Venamo, Venam, Wenamo, etc. A small, tortuous 
stream impeded by rapids. 

8 Zuruma on some of the old maps. 



324 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

with the Takutu, and thence along the midstream of the 
Takutu to its source, thence in a straight line to the western- 
most point of the Akarai mountains, and thence along the 
ridge of the Akarai mountains to the source of the Corentin, 
called the Cutari river." 

As this decision is final, and must be so regarded 
by both parties, it would be idle and unprofitable to 
offer any criticisms upon it. That it is a compromise, 
pure and "simple, is manifest; and I am willing to 
believe that it was prompted by the purest of motives, 
and by the wisest considerations of expediency. But 
the question naturally arises, Where, in the treaty, is 
there any authority for compromises by a tribunal 
whose functions were expressly and purely judicial? 
True, the tribunal was the sole judge of the facts, and 
of the law applicable to the case; and it was fully 
authorized to "determine" the divisional line. But 
there is a wide difference between determining a pre- 
existent de facto or de jure line, and the making of an 
arbitrary line de novo. For the new line thus set up 
follows neither historical facts, tradition, or legal pre- 
cedent; nor is it a conventional line drawn according 
to the old "middle distance" rule. 

Even as a compromise line, granting the power to 
compromise, its practical utility is open to question. 
It seems to have been established without much regard 
to topographical conformation, or to the convenience 
of the adjacent proprietors. It bisects the island of 
Barima, cuts at right angles the navigable section of 
one river, divides :he ownership of another, partitions 
a section of an indivisible delta, and divides the sov- 
ereignty of a well-defined tract, the limits of which are 
plainly marked by natural monuments of rivers and 
mountains, and which is accessible only through the 
territory of one of the proprietors. These conditions, 



Award by Arbitration Tribunal of 1899 325 

nstead of proving to be a bond of friendship between 
cne two proprietors, seem more likely to give rise to 
endless misunderstandings and conflicting interests, 
and therefore to become a source of perennial discord. 

However, let us hope that these apprehensions may 
never be justified, and that a spirit of comity and good 
neighborhood may henceforth prevail between the two 
late adverse claimants. The mouths of the Orinoco 
have been awarded to Venezuela, their true and right- 
ful owner; and that, after all, was the great point of 
contention. And, aside from all other considerations, 
the decision is a peaceful adjustment of a long stand- 
ing and acrimonious international controversy which, 
otherwise, might have involved the whole continent in 
a war, the cost of which would have been more than a 
hundredfold the value of the entire territory in dispute. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE PRINCIPLE OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 1 

ARBITRATION, atbitralib, is a word which 
seems to have an equivalent, more or less 
exact, in every written language ; and the thing 
indicated by it is probably known, in some form or 
other, to all peoples, whether savage or civilized. 

At any rate, it is safe to assume that the principle 
of arbitration, as applied in the settlement of private 
disputes between individuals, is as old as the oldest 
civilization; and the probabilities all are that it is 
very much older. For, in the progress of society, a 
considerable length of time must have elapsed, after 
the ideas of property and exclusive rights of individuals 
had arisen in the minds of men, before any compulsory 
system of distributive justice was established. During 
that unsettled period, there must have arisen many 
disputes involving the rights of person and property; 
and such of these as were not appealed to arms could 
have been settled only in one of three ways. Some of 
them may have been adjusted by mutual concession 
and agreement between the parties themselves ; others 
may have been settled through the intervention of 
friends ; but perhaps the majority of the more important 
disputes were referred to some indifferent person or 

1 This chapter embodies the substance of an address delivered by the 
author at the Fifth Annual Mohonk Conference on International Arbi- 
tration, in June, 1899. 



Principle of International Arbitration 327 

persons in whose wisdom and equity both parties con- 
fided, — that is to say, were settled by arbitration. 

Arbitration, then, as applied to the practical affairs 
of life between individuals, must have been coeval with 
the earliest dawn of civilization, if, indeed, it did not 
precede it. That it was the forerunner of our common- 
law courts, and the ancestor of our modern jury system, 
is, I think, quite obvious. Of course its exact origin 
is unknown and unknowable; for, like the old English 
common law, of which it is a part, it reaches back 
through mists and traditions of ages to a time quite 
beyond the memory of man. 

In its more modern and complex form, as incorpo- 
rated in the judicial systems of all civilized peoples, 
arbitration has been described as "an adjudication by 
private persons, appointed to decide a matter or matters 
in controversy, on a formal reference made to them for 
that purpose." From which it appears there are 
three cardinal points of difference between a court of 
arbitration and a court of law. 

In the first place, the arbitrators are " private per- 
sons," as distinguished from officials. They hold no 
commission from the state, and represent no sovereign 
power. They cannot, therefore, compel attendance 
nor impose fines and penalties for contempts. Their 
authority may be revoked by the will of either party at 
any time before the award ; and after the award is once 
made their functions cease altogether. They cannot 
revise their own decisions, nor can the case be re- 
opened, except by a new agreement between the 
litigants. 

In the second place, the proceedings in a court of 
arbitration, unlike those in an ordinary court of law, 
are governed by rules previously agreed upon by the 
parties in interest, or by the arbitrators themselves if 



328 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

so authorized, rather than by legislative enactments or 
judicial precedents. There are no technical pleadings, 
and special forms are unnecessary. In a court of law, 
a mere technical error in the pleadings may indef- 
initely delay or even wholly defeat the ends of justice ; 
but in a court of arbitration, the litigant may state 
every circumstance connected with his case without 
apprehension of failure through ignorance of mere 
form. 

Again, in an ordinary action at law, it is seldom 
possible to decide more than a single question at a 
time; and thus it sometimes happens that one lawsuit 
becomes the fruitful source of others. But a court of 
arbitration may decide upon all collateral issues, set 
one claim or injury against another, and pronounce 
such a sentence as will put an end to all disputes 
between the contending parties. It is not ordinarily 
essential, therefore, that an arbitrator should be a 
member of the legal profession; for although it is 
often desirable that he should be acquainted with the 
fundamental principles of the law, his only necessary 
qualification is, that he be the choice of the disputants. 

Finally, the award of an arbitral tribunal, unlike the 
sentence of a law court, is generally supposed to have 
no sanction other than a sense of honor or the fear of 
public opinion. This was so once, but it is no longer 
the case; for now, in most cases of private arbitration, 
the exceptions have become the rule. They occur 
where the reference was had at the suggestion or by 
order of some court of law, or where there is a gen- 
eral statute, or a series of statutes, providing for the 
enforcement of awards, as, for instance, in England 
and -in some of the states of the United States. Even 
under the old English common law, an award properly 
and fairly made was held by the courts to be obliga- 



Principle of International Arbitration 329 

tory; while in modern practice, there are so many in- 
direct ways of enforcing an award by legal process, 
that, generally speaking, all awards, properly and fairly 
made, may be said to have legal sanction. 

Paradoxical, then, as it may seem, there is such a 
thing as compulsory arbitration. It was known to 
the English law more than three centuries ago; for 
there were arbitrations of important cases by " rule of 
court," prior to the first statute on the subject under 
William III. ; and since that time there have been long 
series of statutes, whereby the cases that may or must 
be referred to arbitration have been so multiplied that 
a bare enumeration of them would be tedious. Indeed, 
all cases are now referable to arbitration, save only 
such as arise out of the administration of the criminal 
law, or out of agreements and transactions against 
public policy; and even in some of these, where there 
is a remedy by civil action as well as by indictment, 
a reference of the matter in dispute has been held to 
be good, and the award sustained by legal action. 

The same general principle permeates our whole 
American system of jurisprudence. The old English 
common law, and the principle of arbitration as part 
of that law, prevailed in each of the thirteen colo- 
nies; and it prevails to-day, in each of the original 
states of our federal Union, except where it has been 
modified or repealed by statute. Even by legislative 
enactments in some of the states, as, for instance, in 
Pennsylvania, as early as 1705, compulsory arbitration 
was extended to a class of cases hitherto unknown to 
the laws of England ; and by the present civil codes 
of all the states, with, possibly, one or two exceptions, 
every matter of controversy, whether in suit or other- 
wise, may be referred to arbitration. And whether 
the reference be by agreement between the parties 



330 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

themslves, or any rule of court, the award generally 
has some form of legal sanction. By the Revised 
Statutes of the United States, all civil controversies 
are referable to arbitration; and in pagan and Moham- 
medan countries, where, by treaty, our ministers and 
consuls exercise judicial functions, arbitration of 
private disputes is often made compulsory. 

The application of the principle of arbitration to 
disputes between nations, although a logical sequence 
of advanced civilization, is of more recent origin. One 
hundred and seventeen years ago, when Robert R. Liv- 
ingston, of New York, first suggested it as a rational 
substitute for war, and predicted that the example of it 
then being made by two of the New England states 
in the adjustment of their boundary dispute, would 
soon become general, the idea was ridiculed as being 
too visionary and impracticable to merit serious con- 
sideration. 

And yet, what do we see to-day? When two gov- 
ernments disagree, either as to the validity or amount 
of a claim by one against the other, the first thing 
usually proposed is arbitration, which is generally 
accepted. The natural and appropriate method of 
settling all such differences is now almost universally 
acknowledged to be by mixed commission or by an 
umpire. Where there are reciprocal claims and set 
offs, it is now a rule in the practice of nations to refer 
the whole to an arbitral commission. Even the higher 
and more vital class of international disputes, such as 
relate to boundaries, to the interpretation of treaties, 
to title by prescription, and to other issues involving 
intricate and delicate questions of public law, are now 
generally referred to a joint commission of jurists. 

All this is of modern origin. It has come about 
within the past hundred years. For, prior to the 



Principle of International Arbitration 331 

opening of the nineteenth century, there had hardly 
been a single instance of international arbitration 
worthy of the name. Since then, however, there have 
been about one hundred and twenty, or an average of 
one and one-tenth for every year; and to more than 
half of these the United States has been a party. 
The sixteen Latin-American states have been parties 
to about twenty-five. England, as the leader of the 
movement in Europe, has been a party to about thirty- 
two. The Pan-American Conference of 1890 went a 
step farther, and recommended that international arbi- 
tration be adopted as "a principle of American public 
law," and made compulsory in all cases except only in 
controversies involving national independence. Only 
these last were to remain optional. 

Since then the proposition has been advanced, by 
the two great English-speaking nations of the world, 
to establish a permanent international court of arbi- 
tration for the adjudication of all disputes between 
them, and that its decision be enforced by both. This 
broad principle was soon afterwards embodied in the 
draft of a treaty between the United States and Eng- 
land, in 1897. The treaty failed of ratification by 
the United States Senate only because it had been 
hastily and unskilfully drawn, and was thought to be 
crude and faulty in form. The principle itself was 
not controverted. 

But how shall a permanent court of international 
arbitration be established; and how shall its sentences 
be enforced without war? The questions are recog- 
nized as presenting many difficulties; and yet they are 
not more difficult than those which were presented in 
the original project of our own federal Constitution. 
It will be recalled to mind by those familiar with the 
discussions pending the final adoption of the Constitu- 



332 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

tion, that some of the ablest and most experienced 
statesmen of that time considered it practically impos- 
sible to establish such a compact as would reconcile 
local or state sovereignty with national solidarity and 
supremacy; and it was thought still more impracti- 
cable to attempt to establish a great inter-state 
tribunal which should have cognizance of all cases of 
controversy between the state and federal govern- 
ments, between the citizens of the different states, 
and between the states themselves. Nevertheless, all 
this was successfully accomplished ; and although that 
great tribunal — the Supreme Court of the United 
States — in the exercise of its constitutional func- 
tions, has frequently set aside legislative enactments, 
state and federal, its decisions have been uniformly 
respected, and the court itself recognized as the high- 
est authority in the land. 

In the light of such a conspicuous example, and of 
subsequent experiences attesting the utility of inter- 
national arbitration, the project of a permanent inter- 
national tribunal ought not to be prejudged as visionary 
and impracticable. Such a tribunal could be estab- 
lished by treaty between some two or more of the lead- 
ing nations of the world, as, for instance, between 
England, Germany, and the United States. If the 
experiment should prove satisfactory, other civilized 
nations would very soon come into the arrangement ; 
and the mere fact of the existence of such a tribunal, 
to which all irreconcilable differences might be referred 
for impartial adjudication, would make an appeal to 
arms less justifiable, and therefore more difficult. It 
would afford the contending parties more time for 
mature reflection, put them under the restraint of 
enlightened public opinion, cause them to act less from 
passion and the impulse of the moment, and, in the 



Principle of International Arbitration 333 

majority of cases, prevent war. Even if, at first, the 
tribunal should fail of complete success, as did 
the Supreme Court of the United States during the 
first months of its existence, public sentiment would 
soon grow up to its requirements, and would ultimately 
support and enforce its decisions; and thus would be 
realized the very highest ideal of modern Christian 
civilization. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

MORE ABOUT "PANAMA CANAL PROJECTS" 

WHEN the De Lesseps Panama Canal Company 
broke down and went into the hands of re- 
ceivers, as related in Chapter II. of this book, 
they had expended about $260,000,000 and had incurred 
an interest-bearing debt of some $40,000,000. A con- 
siderable portion of this money, and perhaps the larger 
part of these outstanding obligations, had been contrib- 
uted or was held by French citizens, most of whom 
were comparatively poor men who had been induced 
by extravagant promises to invest their earnings in the 
ill-fated enterprise. 

The only available assets of the company consisted 
of about 90 per cent of the Panama Railway stock and 
two canal ditches, one 17 and the other 4 miles long, 
between Colon and Bohio, and between Panama and 
Miraflores. There was also an excavation at Culebra 
heights, pronounced by eminent engineers to be useless, 
and a large quantity of machinery, most of which was 
worthless and none of which could have been sold for 
more than 20 per cent of its original cost. The franchise 
of the company, obtained under the Salgar-Wyse con- 
cession of 1878, was, of course, forfeitable. But the 
Colombian government, in the hope of securing the 
canal even against hope, had agreed, conditionally, to 
extend the concession for a few years. 



More about " Panama Canal Projects" 335 

The receivers caused surveys and estimates to be 
made for a canal with locks, to take the place of the 
originally projected sea-level one ; and the French gov- 
ernment, anxious to relieve its citizens, but somewhat 
unmindful of prior assurances to the United States, 
authorized a lottery bond scheme to aid the receivers 
to raise money and proceed with the work. 

With these assets in hand, a new company was 
created to take over the franchise and property of the 
old one, free of debt, and to complete the canal on 
-the new plan. An extension of the franchise to the 
year 1893 was obtained on payment to Colombia often 
million francs, — about $2,000,000. The new company 
(organized under decree of the French law courts) had a 
capital stock of only sixty-five million francs, or say 
about $13,000,000. With this, and such other funds as 
they might be able to raise, it was proposed to complete 
a canal that had already cost nearly $300,000,000, and 
was not one-fourth finished. In consideration of this 
agreement, the assets of the old company, including their 
stock in the Panama Railroad, were turned over to them. 

Under this arrangement, 5,000,000 francs in stock of 
the new company and 5,000,000 francs in gold were 
paid to Colombia for a still further extension of the 
franchise until October 30, 1904. The new company 
had stipulated with the French tribunal that they would 
complete the canal by that time; and they further 
agreed, after paying all expenses, to divide the net 
earnings of the canal on the basis of 60 per cent to the 
receivers of the old company and 40 per cent to them- 
selves. But the Panama Railway stock, which had cost 
the old company $18,000,000, was to be inalienable in 
the hands of the new company. In case the canal 
should not be completed, this stock was to remain the 
property of the latter on payment of $5,000,000 to the 



336 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

receivers of the former. This would leave $13,000,000 
of the stock with the new company, no matter what 
might happen; so that, in any event, they would be 
securely fortified against possible loss. 

It does not appear that any additional stock was ever 
subscribed to the new company, or that any more money 
was ever raised by them for the completion of the canal. 
The fact is, little or no work was ever done by them. 
But to keep up appearances, and prevent Colombia from 
declaring the franchise forfeited, they made a pretence 
of continuing the excavation at Culebra heights, while 
permitting the two ditches at the opposite ends of 
the line to become filled with sediment and overgrown 
with 'tropical jungle. In other words, they evinced no 
serious purpose to complete the canal, but seemed to 
be waiting for some favorable opportunity to sell out at 
a profit. 

This opportunity soon presented itself. The events 
of the Spanish-American War had demonstrated the 
great importance, if not absolute necessity, of an 
isthmian canal under American control. Public senti- 
ment demanded that such a canal should be opened 
with as little delay as possible, and at whatever cost. 
And under pressure of this public sentiment the so- 
called " Hepburn Bill," providing for such a canal by the 
Nicaragua route, passed the lower House of Congress 
with but two dissenting votes. But covert opposition to 
the measure was soon developed in the Senate, and the 
bill failed to became a law. It was openly charged at 
the time that this opposition was inspired from two 
opposite sources, — the great trans-continental Rail- 
ways and the new Panama Canal Company: one for 
the purpose of delaying or defeating any isthmian 
canal project ; the other for the purpose of dumping 
the company's holdings upon the United States at an 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 337 

extravagant price. However, we are not now dealing 
with motives, but with accomplished facts. 

The Salgar-Wyse concession, already twice legally 
forfeitable, but twice extended by Colombia for valuable 
considerations, had now only a few years to live ; so 
that the chance of the new company to save themselves 
and be in a position to drive a bargain with the United 
States depended upon their ability to obtain a still further 
extension of the franchise. To this end, they appointed 
two special agents, — one to operate on the government 
at Bogota, the other to operate on the government at 
Washington. On payment of a snug sum of money, 
the Bogota agent procured the desired extension of 
the franchise ; the Washington agent, meanwhile, was 
importuning the government of the United States to 
purchase the company's holdings at a fabulous price. 

President McKinley, who probably saw through the 
transparent scheme, now directed the Secretary of State 
to negotiate and conclude an agreement with the govern- 
ments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica for a canal under 
American control across that part of the isthmus, which 
was promptly done. The old Clayton-Bulwer treaty of 
1850 was no longer in the way of such an agreement, 
because Great Britain had already assented to its formal 
abrogation. 

The new Panama Canal Company now became 
alarmed, and dropped in their price from $160,000,000 
to $40,000,000; and that they would have dropped 
still further in their price rather than miss the sale, 
hardly admits of reasonable doubt. But the canal 
Commission appointed by President McKinley under 
authority of a law of Congress, after having informally 
decided in favor of the Nicaragua route, now reversed 
their decision and reported in favor of the Panama 
route. They did this, however, with the proviso that 



338 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

good title to the new company's holdings could be 
had for $40,000,000, that Colombia would assent to 
the transfer, and that she would make liberal and just 
concessions to the United States. 

This changed the whole aspect of the case. It now 
remained only to procure Colombia's consent to the 
proposed transfer, for the company to show good title, 
and for Congress to authorize the purchase. The Co- 
lombian government, through its duly accredited agents 
in Washington, readily agreed to the transfer; and on 
the 28th of June, 1902, Congress passed the Act known 
as " the Spooner law," authorizing the President to 
conclude the necessary treaty with Colombia, and to 
purchase the new Panama Canal Company's holdings 
at the price named, — $40,000,000. In case the com- 
pany should be unable to make good title, and favor- 
able terms could not be made with Colombia " within 
a reasonable time," the Act authorized the President 
to proceed on the Nicaragua route. 

On the 22d of January, 1903, Secretary Hay, by direc- 
tion of President Roosevelt, concluded with the Colom- 
bian Envoy a satisfactory convention, usually cited as 
" the Hay-Heran treaty," the first article of which is in 
terms as follows : — 

" The government of Colombia authorizes the new 
Panama Canal Company to sell and transfer to the 
United States its rights, privileges, properties, and con- 
cessions, as well as the Panama Railroad and all shares 
or parts of shares of said company." 

Language could hardly be made plainer or more 
specific. The grant thus made covered expressly all 
"the rights, privileges, and concessions" of the new Pan- 
ama Canal Company, as well as all their other property. 
Moreover, the protocols and other official documents 
now of record show that the consent of Colombia to 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 339 

the proposed sale and transfer had been previously- 
given in so many ways, and at so many different times, 
that there could be no possible room for doubt as to 
what was intended. The subject had been repeatedly 
and officially brought to the notice of the United 
States government by the Colombian Envoy; and it 
was on the faith of these repeated representations and 
assurances that the negotiations were entered into. 

In view of these facts, it seems almost incredible that 
the executive government of Colombia was acting with 
a mental reservation, or that it contemplated a practical 
repudiation of its own action in case certain demands 
upon the canal company, then unknown to the United 
States, should not be complied with. 

But the facts are that only twenty-nine days prior to 
the signing of the treaty, the executive government of 
Colombia had officially notified the President of the new 
Panama Canal Company, and subsequently the attorney 
of that company at Bogota, to have a special agent 
present at that capital by the time Congress should con- 
vene. This agent, it was urged, should have " ample 
and sufficient authority and power to deal with all 
points " to be settled with the company concerning 
"the rights and obligations existing" between them and 
the Republic. Assurances were given that Colombia 
would not "oppose" the proposed transfer; but the 
notes stated plainly that Colombia would " demand 
and require" of the company " a sum of money" which 
should be " previously agreed upon," and also " the 
cancellation of every liability and obligation " which the 
Republic " had contracted in virtue of the original con- 
cession for the opening of the isthmus of Panama." 

This could have but one meaning. Colombia was 
going to " demand," as a condition precedent to her 
consent to the transfer, that the company not only pay 



34° Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

a " sum of money," but likewise " the cancellation of 
every obligation incurred " by her in virtue of the very 
concession which the company proposed to sell ! In 
other words, it was proposed to deprive the govern- 
ment of the United States of " the rights, privileges, 
and concessions " which constituted the chief consid- 
eration for the $40,000,000. 

For obvious reasons, the government of the United 
States could never have assented to such a transaction 
as this. Neither could the canal company have acceded 
to the demands of Colombia. Had they done so, the 
President would have been unable to consummate the 
proposed purchase; for the company would have sur- 
rendered to Colombia a material part of their holdings 
for which he had been authorized by Congress to make 
payment. Nor could the treaty itself have been carried 
out; for it expressly stipulated (in article 25) that the 
payments to be made to Colombia by the United States 
were not only in compensation for the right to use the 
canal zone, and to indemnify that Republic for the 
annuity it had renounced and the greater expense it 
might incur, but also " in compensation for other rights, 
privileges, and exemptions granted." Among these 
" other rights and privileges," was the right to acquire 
the " rights, privileges, and concessions " of the new 
company, granted in article 1 of the treaty already 
quoted. If these were cancelled, as Colombia de- 
manded, it would fundamentally change the terms of 
the agreement and defeat the purchase. 

Another important side-light is cast upon the attitude 
of Colombia in this matter. On the 10th of June, 1903, 
the agent of the new canal company had a conference 
with Mr. Beaupre, the American minister at Bogota. 
At that conference the agent told the minister (so the 
latter reported to the State Department) that he had 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 341 

received " an official note " from the Colombian govern- 
ment stating in effect that the Hay-Heran treaty would 
be ratified " if the new canal company would pay to 
Colombia $10,000,000." This statement was made con- 
fidentially, of course ; but it is now part of the public 
official record in the case, and so far as I know has never 
been challenged. And it is the more significant when we 
remember that Senor Maroquin, then President of Colom- 
bia, by whose direction the treaty had been negotiated 
and signed, and who stood pledged for its ratification, was 
at that time practically a Dictator with absolute powers. 

On the 20th of June, 1903, — just ten days after this, 
— the Colombian Congress convened in extraordinary 
session, in obedience to the call of the President, for 
consideration of the treaty ; that is, as every one sup- 
posed, for formally ratifying it. But in his Message, 
referring thereto, the President said he would " leave 
the full responsibility which the decision of this matter 
brings, with Congress." This was capable of two oppo- 
site constructions. It might mean that if the Congress 
should fail to ratify the treaty, the responsibility for the 
consequences would be with that body. Or, it might 
mean that the President occupied a position of neu- 
trality, and that Congress must assume all responsi- 
bility either for the approval or rejection of the treaty. 
Seven days later, however, — that is to say, on the 27th 
of June, — Mr. Beaupre cabled the State Department 
that " the friends of the government " (that is, of the 
Dictator-President) were in " complete control " in both 
Houses. 

On the 2d of July following, Mr. Beaupre reported 
to the State Department that " a majority of the Sena- 
tors " had informally " declared their opposition to the 
treaty ! " Ten days later, he reported by cable that he 
had been requested to say the treaty could not be rati- 



342 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

fied without two important amendments. One was to 
article I, stipulating payment of $10,000,000 to Colom- 
bia by the canal company " for the right to transfer " 
its holdings to the United States. The other was to 
article 25, "increasing payment to $15,000,000" to Co- 
lombia, as the price for the right to use the canal zone, 
— the price stipulated in the treaty for this purpose 
being only $10,000,000. 

Mr. Hay cabled in reply, July 13, that "neither of 
the proposed amendments" would "stand any chance 
of acceptance " by the United States Senate; and that 
" any amendments whatever, or any unnecessary delay 
in the ratification of the treaty " would " imperil its 
consummation." 

On the 2 1st of July, the Colombian Minister for For- 
eign Affairs, Senor Rico, inquired of Mr. Beaupre 
whether the proposed modifications of the treaty 
"would be considered as violating the Spooner law;" 
that is, the Act of June 28, 1902. 

To this Mr. Hay replied by cable, July 31, that the 
government of " the United States " had " no right or 
competence to covenant with Colombia to impose new 
financial obligations upon the company;" that "the 
President" would "not submit to the Senate any amend- 
ments to the treaty in that sense," but would " treat it 
as voiding the negotiation and bringing about a failure 
to conclude a satisfactory treaty with Colombia; " that 
" no additional payment by the United States could 
hope for approval by the Senate ; " and that " any 
amendment whatever requiring reconsideration" by that 
body " would most certainly imperil the consummation 
of the treaty." 

On -the 1 2th of August following, the Colombian 
Senate rejected the treaty ! Mr. Beaupre cabled the 
State Department not to regard this as " final ; " that a 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 343 

reaction in public sentiment was likely to set in ; and 
that a motion to reconsider might be expected. But 
the only feasible scheme that was ever talked of was to 
frame a law authorizing the Executive " to continue and 
finish the negotiations for a canal without further re- 
course to Congress," and that failed. 

Up to August 24 there had been no further action. 
The government seemed to be waiting to learn the atti- 
tude of the United States. So under that date Mr. 
Hay cabled Mr. Beaupre that "the President would 
make no engagement as to his action on the canal mat- 
ter, but that it was improbable that any definite action 
would be taken within two weeks." 

Five days more passed, and nothing was done. The 
government was awaiting still further advices from Wash- 
ington ! So on the 29th, Mr. Hay again cabled that the 
President was bound by the Spooner law ; that by its 
provisions he was given " a reasonable time " to arrange 
a satisfactory treaty with Colombia ; that when, in his 
judgment, that time had expired and he was not able 
to make a satisfactory arrangement as to the Panama 
route, he would proceed to carry into effect the alterna- 
tive of the statute providing for a canal by the Nica- 
ragua route ; meantime, that the President would enter 
into no engagement restraining his freedom of action 
under the statute. 

Still the Bogota government delayed action. It did 
not seem to realize the gravity of the situation. It could 
not be made to believe that the alternative of the Nica- 
ragua route, provided for in the Spooner law, was any- 
thing more than a bluff to force Colombia into terms. 
The manifest purpose now was to delay action until the 
concession of the new canal company should expire ; 
or until the company, in apprehension of forfeiture of 
its franchise, would agree to pay to Colombia $10,000,000 



344 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

of the $40,000,000 it was to receive from the United 
States ; or, possibly, in the hope that the United States, 
rather than lose the Panama route, would reverse its 
decision and ultimately agree to increase the sum named 
in article 25 of the treaty for the use of the canal 
zone. 

Other influences also were now at work which made 
any satisfactory arrangement improbable. The treaty 
had been rejected (as Mr. Beaupre reported, September 
11), not only in the hope of getting better terms, but 
also as a means of dealing a blow to the Maroquin 
administration, which had become unpopular. Seeing 
how the political game was being played, Maroquin 
abandoned any serious purpose he may have had to 
procure the ratification of the treaty, and turned his 
attention to averting from himself the current of oppo- 
sition that had set in. His aim now was to make it ap- 
pear that the rejection of the treaty was intended as a 
protest against what was asserted to be the " dictatorial 
attitude " of the United States ! 

The Colombian Congress adjourned on the 31st of 
October, after having been in session nearly five months. 
The treaty had stood rejected since August 12. There 
had been no motion to reconsider. Nor had there been 
any manifestation of a serious purpose to provide for a 
resumption of negotiations on a basis acceptable to the 
United States. On the contrary, there had been shown 
an unmistakable purpose to delay all negotiations until 
the concession held by the Panama Canal Company 
should expire by limitation, or until it should become 
forfeitable at the option of the Colombian government. 

Meantime the people of Panama, through whose 
territory the proposed canal would pass, had become 
extremely dissatisfied with the dilatory tactics of the 
Bogota government. Revolution and separation from 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 345 

the Colombian confederation had been openly talked 
of since August 12, when the treaty was rejected. 
This sentiment now assumed definite and organized 
shape ; and on the 4th of November, by a unanimous 
movement, the people of that Department dissolved 
their political connection with the Republic of Colom- 
bia, and resumed their independence as a sovereign 
State. This was accomplished without the loss of a 
single life or the firing of a gun. 

On the 6th of November, the provisional government 
thus established accredited a minister plenipotentiary 
to the United States. Soon after his arrival in Wash- 
ington, he presented his credentials through the regu- 
lar diplomatic channel, and was duly received in his 
official capacity. And on the 18th of November, he 
and Secretary Hay signed a treaty for the opening of 
a ship canal by the United States across the isthmus 
of Panama. 

After reciting the desire of the high contracting par- 
ties to " insure the construction of a ship canal across 
the isthmus of Panama," and the law of Congress (of 
June 28, 1902) authorizing the President's action in the 
premises, the treaty alleges that " the sovereignty " of 
the territory through which the canal should pass had 
become " vested in the Republic of Panama." It then 
stipulates, in Article 1, that "the United States guar- 
antees and will maintain the independence of the Re- 
public of Panama." . 

By the second article, the Republic of Panama grants 
to the United States " in perpetuity the use, occupation, 
and control " of a zone ten miles wide " beginning in the 
Caribbean Sea three marine miles from the low-water 
mark and extending across the isthmus of Panama into 
the Pacific Ocean three marine miles from the mean low- 
water mark; " but with the proviso that "the cities of 



346 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

Panama and Colon," which are within this zone, " shall 
not be included " in the grant. In like manner, a grant 
is made to the United States " in perpetuity " of " all 
islands within the limits of the ten-mile zone." 

By the third article, Panama grants to the United 
States " all the rights, power, and authority" within the 
ten-mile zone, " which the United States would possess 
and exercise if it were the sovereign of the territory " to 
the entire exclusion of the exercise of such sovereign 
rights, powers, or authority by the Republic of Panama. 

In other words, the authority of the United States 
within the canal zone is absolute, save only with re- 
spect to the municipalities of Colon and Panama. And 
even this reservation is modified by article 7. For the 
government of the United States is therein granted 
" the right to acquire by purchase, or by exercise of the 
right of eminent domain," within the limits of said cities, 
" any lands, buildings, water rights, or other proper- 
ties " that it may deem " necessary for the construction, 
maintenance, operation, and protection of the canal " 
or " for purposes of sanitation." Those municipalities 
are to " comply in perpetuity" with such sanitary regu- 
lations as the United States may see fit to prescribe; 
and if the Republic of Panama shall be unable or shall 
fail to enforce such compliance, the United States is 
granted "the right and authority to enforce the same." 

By article 8, a grant is made to the United States of 
" all rights which the Republic of Panama now has or 
hereafter may acquire in the property of the new Pan- 
ama Canal Company, as a result of the transfer of sov- 
ereignty " over the isthmus from Colombia. It likewise 
authorizes that company " to sell and transfer to the 
United States its rights, privileges, properties, and con- 
cessions, and all shares or parts of shares it may hold 
in the Panama Railway Company." And by article 22, 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 347 

the Republic of Panama, as the successor in title of Co- 
lombia, " renounces and grants to the United States any 
participation to which it may be entitled in the future 
earnings of the canal " under the Salgar-Wyse conces- 
sion of 1878, or extensions and modifications thereof; 
also, all claims of a pecuniary nature arising under or 
relating to the concessions to the Panama Railway Com- 
pany which might otherwise belong to the Republic of 
Panama as the heir of Colombia; also "all right, title, 
and interest" which the Republic now has, or may here- 
after have, in and to the lands, the canal, works, property, 
and rights held by either or both of said companies, by 
concession or otherwise, and acquired or to be acquired 
by the United States from or through the new Panama 
Canal Company, " including any property or rights 
which might or may in the future, either by lapse of 
time, forfeiture, or otherwise, revert to the Republic of 
Panama " under any concessions or contracts with either 
or both of those companies. 

That is to say (as emphasized in article 21) the 
rights and privileges granted to the United States are to 
be " free of all anterior debts " and obligations ; conse- 
quently, if there should arise any claims on account of 
the grants, and the transfer of the canal company's hold- 
ings, the claimants must resort to the Republic of 
Panama, and not to the United States, for indemnity. 

The ports at either entrance of the canal, and also 
those of Colon and Panama, are to be forever free. No 
" customs, tolls, tonnage, or taxes of any kind " are to 
be demanded or collected, except such only as may be 
imposed by the United States for the use of the canal, 
or such as may be imposed by the Republic of Panama 
upon goods and merchandise destined for use outside 
the canal zone, or upon vessels touching at the ports of 
Colon and Panama, but do not pass through the canal. 



348 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

By article 14, the price or compensation to be paid 
to Panama for the rights, etc., granted to the United 
States is fixed at $10,000,000 U. S. gold; and, in addi- 
tion to this, there is to be an annual payment of $250,000 
during the life of the treaty, — the first-named sum to 
be paid at the time of exchange of ratifications ; the 
second to begin nine years from the date of the treaty. 

Provision is made (in articles 6 and 15) for the pro- 
tection of the rights of private land and property owners 
in the canal zone. All damages thereto caused by the 
construction and operation of the canal, are to be ap- 
praised and settled by a joint commission. This commis- 
sion is to be composed of four persons, two of whom are 
to be appointed by the United States and two by the 
Republic of Panama. In case these four shall be equally 
divided in opinion touching any given point, an umpire 
is to be named by the two governments. And in all 
cases the decision and awards of the commission as to 
damages, etc., is to be final. The awards as to damages 
are to be paid solely by the United States. But no part 
of the work on the canal, nor on the railroad, nor on the 
works of sanitation authorized by the treaty, shall be 
" prevented, delayed, or impeded by or pending the 
proceedings to ascertain such damages ; " and the ap- 
praisal of private lands and property, and assessments 
of damages thereto, are to be "based upon their values 
before the date of the treaty." 

When the canal and the entrances to it shall have been 
constructed, they are to be neutral in perpetuity, and 
open to the commerce of the world in conformity with 
the stipulations in the convention between the United 
States and England of November 18, 1901. The gov- 
ernment of the Republic of Panama is to have the right 
to transport its vessels, troops, and munitions of war over 
the canal free of charge ; and a like exemption is ex- 



More about " Panama Canal Projects *' 349 

tended to the auxiliary railways for the transportation 
of persons in the service of the Republic of Panama, and 
to its police force charged with the preservation of order 
outside the canal zone. 

If it should become necessary at any time to employ 
armed forces for the safety or protection of the canal, 
or of ships that make use of the same, the United States 
is granted the right (in articles 23 and 24), at all times 
and in its discretion, to use its police and land and naval 
forces, or to establish fortifications for these purposes. 

Lastly, if at any time the Republic of Panama should 
enter as a constituent into any other government, or into 
any union or confederation of States, so as to merge its 
sovereignty in such government or confederation, the 
rights of the United States acquired by this treaty are 
not to be in any way lessened or impaired thereby. 

Such, in brief, are the salient points in the treaty with 
the " Baby Republic" of Panama. It was agreed to and 
signed, as I have said, on the 18th of November, 1903, 
— two weeks after the people of that State severed their 
political connection with the Republic of Colombia. It 
was duly ratified by both governments, and the ratifi- 
cations were exchanged at Washington on the 26th of 
February, 1904. The new Panama Canal Company 
produced satisfactory title, and were duly paid the 
$40,000,000 for their holdings. The Republic of Pan- 
ama, having executed the stipulated concessions, was 
paid the $10,000,000 for the use of the canal zone. And 
thus the transaction stands closed. 

It is claimed that this was accomplished legitimately, 
and in strict accordance with international usage and the 
law of Congress. There have been, and possibly still 
are, some differences of opinion on both these points. 
But the people have indorsed the action of the Presi- 
dent in the premises; and, moreover, what has been 



350 Colombian and Venezuelan Republics 

done is an accomplished fact and cannot now be un- 
done, even if that were desirable. 

The rights of sovereignty of even the weakest and 
most insignificant of the Central and South American 
States should be scrupulously respected by the great 
powers, and more especially by the United States, which 
stands in a peculiar relation to them. But these rights 
should be exercised in a spirit befitting the occasion and 
the wants and necessities of civilization. Sovereignty 
has its duties as well as its rights. Neither Colombia 
nor other of those governments, even if administered 
with more regard to the just demands of commercial 
nations than they have sometimes been, can be per- 
mitted to close the gates of intercourse on the great 
highways of the world, and justify the act by the preten- 
sion that these avenues of international trade and travel 
belong to them exclusively, and therefore that they may 
choose to close them ; or, what is equivalent to the same 
thing, to encumber them with such exorbitant and un- 
reasonable demands and unjust relations as would pre- 
vent their general use. 

It was the great design of the guarantee by the United 
States, in the 35th article of the Treaty of 1846 with 
New Granada (now Colombia) to dedicate the isthmus 
of Panama to the purposes of inter-oceanic transit. 
Never at any time had that guarantee been held, by 
either government, to be an obligation by the United 
States to protect Colombia against the consequences of 
internal dissension or domestic insurrection. The obli- 
gation was to protect the sovereignty of Colombia 
against possible designs by foreign powers, and to 
keep open and free the isthmian transit. 

It is very true that, under a general rule of interna- 
tional law, a new State should not be recognized as inde- 
pendent until it has shown its ability to maintain its 



More about "Panama Canal Projects" 351 

independence. The rule is derived from the principle 
of non-intervention, to which the United States has long 
stood committed. But like all general rules, and the 
principle of non-intervention from which it is deduced, 
it has its exceptions ; and the present case was one in 
point. Our treaty rights of 1846 were involved; our 
national interests and safety were at stake ; and the 
interests of collective civilization were involved. 

By the Act of Congress of June 28, 1902, the Presi- 
dent was authorized to secure for the United States the 
property and franchise of the new Panama Canal Com- 
pany, and the perpetual control of a strip of land not 
less than six miles wide across the isthmus of Panama. 
In case he should be unable to obtain a satisfactory title 
from the canal company, and the control of the neces- 
sary territory from Colombia within a reasonable time, 
he was to endeavor to provide for a canal, under Ameri- 
can control, by the Nicaragua route. He was not autho- 
rized to go to Nicaragua under any other conditions. 
The company produced title, and the Republic of 
Panama, as the successor in title of Colombia, granted 
control of the necessary territory on the isthmus. The 
alternative of the Nicaragua route was thus eliminated 
from the obligation imposed by the law. If, therefore, 
there has been a mistake in the choice between the two 
routes, as some very able and patriotic men have con- 
tended, the responsibility for it should rest where it 
belongs ; namely, with the canal Commission and with 
Congress. 



Appendix A 



TREATY of Arbitration for the settlement of the question 
of Boundary between the Republic of Venezuela and 
the Colony of British Guiana, signed February 2, 1897. Rati- 
fications exchanged June 14, 1897. 



Her Majesty the Queen of 
the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and the 
United States of Venezuela, 
being desirous to provide for 
an amicable settlement of the 
question which has arisen be- 
tween their respective govern- 
ments concerning the boun- 
dary between the Colony of 
British Guiana and the United 
States of Venezuela, have re- 
solved to submit to arbitration 
the question involved, and 
to the end of concluding a 
treaty for that purpose, have 
appointed as their respective 
Plenipotentiaries : 

Her Majesty the Queen of 
the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, the Right 
Honorable Sir Julian Paunce- 
fote, a member of Her Maj- 
esty's Most Honorable Privy 
Council, Knight Grand Cross 
of the Most Honorable Order 
of the Bath and of the Most 
Distinguished Order of St. 



23 



Los Estados Unidos de 
Venezuela y Su Majestad la 
Reina del Reino Unido de la 
Gran Bretaiia e Irlanda, de- 
seando estipular el arreglo 
amistoso de la cuestidn que se 
ha suscitado entre sus respec- 
tivos Gobiernos acerca del lfm- 
ite de los Estados Unidos de 
Venezuela y la Colonia de la 
Guayana Britanica, han re- 
suelto someter dicha cuestion 
a arbitramento, y a fin de con- 
cluir con ese objeto un tratado, 
han elegido por sus respectivos 
Plenipotenciarios : 

El Presidents de los Es- 
tados Unidos de Venezuela, al 
Senor Jose Andrade, Enviado 
Extraordinario y Ministro 
Plenipotenciario de Vene- 
zuela en los Estados Unidos 
de America : 

Y Su Majestad la Reina del 
Reino Unido de la Gran Bre- 
taha 6 Irlanda al Muy Hon- 
orable Sir Julian Pauncefote, 
Miembro del Muy Honorable 



354 Appendix 

Michael and St. George, and 
her Majesty's Ambassador 
Extraordinary and Plenipo- 
tentiary to the United States ; 
And the President of the 
United States of Venezuela, 
Serior Jose Andrade, Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of Venezuela 
to the United States of Amer- 
ica : 

Who, having communi- 
cated to each other their re- 
spective full powers, which 
were found to be in due and 
proper form, have agreed to 
and concluded the following 
articles: 



Consejo Privado de Su Ma- 
jestad, Caballero Gran Cruz 
de la Muy Honorable Orden 
del Baho y de la Muy Distin- 
guida Orden de San Miguel 
y San Jorge, y Embajador 
Extraordinario y Plenipoten- 
ciario de Su Majestad en los 
Estados Unidos : 

Quienes, habiendose comu- 
nicado sus respectivos plenos 
poderes que fueron hallados 
en propia y debida forma, han 
acordado y concluido los ar- 
ticulos siguientes : 



Article I 

An arbitral tribunal shall 
be immediately appointed to 
determine the boundary line 
between the Colony of British 
Guiana and the United States 
of Venezuela. 



Articulo I 

Se nombrara inmediatamente 
un Tribunal arbitral para 
determinar la linea divisoria 
entre los Estados Unidos de 
Venezuela y la Colonia de'la 
Guayana Britanica. 



Article II 

The tribunal shall consist 
of five jurists : Two on the 
part of Great Britain, nomi- 
nated by the members of the 
Judicial Committee of Her 
Majesty's Privy Council, 
namely, the Right Honorable 
Baron Herschell, Knight 
Grand Cross of the Most Hon- 
orable Order of the Bath ; and 
the Honorable Sir Richard 
Henh Collins, Knight, one of 
the Justices of Her Britannic 
Majesty's Supreme Court of 



Articulo II 

El Tribunal se compondera" 
de cinco Juristas ; dos de parte 
de Venezuela, nombrados, uno 
por el Presidente de los Es- 
tados Unidos de Venezuela, 
a saber, el Honorable Mel- 
ville Weston Fuller, Justicia 
Mayor de los Estados Unidos 
de America, y uno por los 
Justicias de la Corte Suprema 
de los Estados Unidos de 
America, a saber, el Honorable 
David Josiah Brewer, Justicia 
de la Corte Suprema de los 



Judicature ; two on the part of 
Venezuela nominated, one by 
the President of the United 
States of Venezuela, namely, 
the Honorable Melville Weston 
Fuller, Chief Justice of the 
United States of America, and 
one nominated by the Justices 
of Supreme Court of the United 
States of America, namely, 
the Honorable David Josiah 
Brewer, a Justice of the Su- 
preme Court of the United 
States of America ; and of a 
fifth jurist to be selected by 
the four persons so nominated, 
or, in the event of their failure 
to agree within three months 
from the date of the exchange 
of ratifications of the present 
treaty, to be selected by His 
Majesty the King of Sweden 
and Norway. The jurist so 
selected shall be president of 
the tribunal. 

In case of the death, absence 
or incapacity to serve of any 
of the four arbitrators above 
named, or in the event of any 
such arbitrator omitting or 
declining or ceasing to act as 
such, another jurist of repute 
shall be forthwith substituted in 
his place. If such vacancy 
shall occur among those nomi- 
nated on the part of Great 
Britain the substitute shall be 
appointed by the members for 
the time being of the Judicial 
Committee of Her Majesty's 
Privy Council, acting by a 
majority, and if among those 
nominated on the part of 



Appendix 355 

Estados Unidos de America; 
dos de parte de la Gran Bretaha 
nombrados por los miembros de 
la Comisidn Judicial del Con- 
sejo Privado de Su Majestad, a 
saber, el Muy Honorable Baron 
Herschell, Caballero Gran Cruz 
de la Muy Honorable Orden del 
Baho, y el Honorable Sir Rich- 
ard Henn Collins, Caballero, 
uno de los Justicias de la Corte 
Suprema de Judicatura de Su 
Majestad ; y de un quinto 
Jurista, que sera elegido por las 
cuatro personas asf nombradas, 
d, en el evento de no lograr ellas 
acordarse en la designacidn 
dentro de los tres meses con- 
tados desde la fecha del canje 
de las ratificaciones del pre- 
sente Tratado, por Su Majestad 
el Rey de Suecia y Noruega. 
El Jurista & quien asi se elija 
ser£ Presidente del Tribunal. 

En caso de muerte, ausencia 
6 incapacidad para servir de 
cualquiera de los cuatro arbi- 
tros arriba mencionados, 6 en el 
evento de que alguno de ellos 
no llegue a ejercer las funciones 
de tal por omisidn, renuncia 6 
cesacion, se sustituira inmedia- 
tamente por otro Jurista de 
reputation. Si tal vacante 
ocurre entre los nombrados por 
parte de Venezuela, el sustituto 
sera elegido por los Justicias de 
la Corte Suprema de los Esta- 
dos Unidos de America, por 
mayoria ; y si ocurriere entre los 
nombrados por parte de la Gran 
Bretaha, elegir^n al sustituto, 
por mayoria, los que fueren en> 



35 6 



Appendix 



Venezuela he shall be appointed 
by the Justices of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, 
acting by a majority. If such 
vacancy shall occur in the case of 
the fifth arbitrator, a substitute 
shall be selected in the manner 
herein provided for with regard 
to the original appointment. 

Article III 
The tribunal shall investigate 
and ascertain the extent of the 
territories belonging to or that 
might lawfully be claimed by 
the United Netherlands or by 
the Kingdom of Spain, respec- 
tively, at the time of the acqui- 
sition by Great Britain of the 
Colony of British Guiana — 
and shall determine the boun- 
dary line between the Colony of 
British Guiana and the United 
States of Venezuela. 



tonces miembros de la Comisidn 
Judicial del Consejo Privado de 
Su Majestad. Si vacare el 
puesto de quinto arbitro, se le 
elegira sustituto del modo acqui 
estipulado en cuanto al nombra- 
miento primitivo. 



Articulo III 
El Tribunal investigara y se 
cerciorara de la extension de los 
territorios pertenecientes d. las 
Provincias Unidas delos Paises 
Bajos 6 al Reino de Espana 
respectivamente, 6 que pudieran 
ser legitimamente reclamados 
por acque'llas 6 este, al tiempo 
de la adquisicidn de la Colonia 
de la Guayana Britanica por la 
Gran Bretana, y determinara la 
linea divisoria entre los Estados 
Unidos de Venezuela y la 
Colonia de la Guayana Brita- 
nica. 



Article IV 
In deciding the matters sub- 
mitted, the arbitrators shall as- 
certain all facts which they 
deem necessary to a decision 
of the controversy, and shall 
be governed by the following 
rules, which are agreed upon 
by the high contracting parties 
as rules to be taken as ap- 
plicable to the case, and by 
such principles of international 
law not inconsistent therewith 
as the arbitrators shall deter- 
mine to be applicable to the 
case. 



Articulo IV 
Al decidir los asuntos some- 
tidos a los arbitros, estos se 
cercioraran de todos los hechos 
que estimen necesarios para 
la decision de la controversia, 
y se gobernaran por las si- 
guientes reglas en que estan 
convenidas las altas partes 
contratantes como reglas que 
han de considerarse aplicables 
al caso, y por los principios 
de derecho internacional no 
incompatibles con ellas, que 
los arbitros juzgaren aplicables 
al mismo : 



Appendix 



357 



Rules. 

(a) Adverse holding or pre- 
scription during a period of 
fifty years shall make a good 
title. The arbitrators may 
deem exclusive political con- 
trol of a district as well as 
actual settlement thereof suf- 
ficient to constitute adverse 
holding or to make title by 
prescription. 

(b) The arbitrators may re- 
cognize and give effect to rights 
and claims resting on any other 
ground whatever valid accord- 
ing to international law and on 
any principles of international 
law which the arbitrators may 
deem to be applicable to the 
case and which are not in con- 
travention of the foregoing 
rule. 

(c) In determining the boun- 
dary line, if territory of one party 
be found by the tribunal to 
have been at the date of this 
treaty in the occupation of the 
subjects or citizens of the other 
party, such effect shall be given 
to such occupation as reason, 
justice, the principles of inter- 
national law and the equities 
of the case shall, in the opinion 
of the tribunal, require. 



Reglas : 

(a) Una posesidn adversa 6 
prescripcidn por el termino de 
cincuenta ahos constituira un 
buen titulo. Los arbitros po- 
dran ' estimar que la domina- 
cidn politica exclusiva de un 
distrito, asi corao la efectiva 
colonizacidn de el, son sufi- 
cientes para constituir una po- 
sesidn adversa d crear titulo 
de prescripcidn. 

(p) Los arbitros podran re- 
conocer y hacer efectivos de- 
rechos y reinvindicaciones que 
se apoyen en cualquier otro 
fundamento valido conforme al 
derecho internacional, y en 
cualesquiera principios de de- 
recho internacional, que los ar- 
bitros estimen aplicables al caso 
y que no contravengan a la 
regla precedente. 

(/) Al determinar la h'nea di- 
visoria, si el Tribunal hallare 
que territorio de una parte ha 
estado en la fecha de este Tra- 
tado ocupado por los ciudada- 
nos d subditos de la otra parte, 
se dara a tal ocupacidn el efecto 
que, en opinion del Tribunal, 
requieran la razdn, la justicia, 
los principios del derecho inter- 
nacional, y la equidad del caso. 



Article V 

The arbitrators shall meet at 
Paris, within sixty days after 
the delivery of the printed ar- 
guments mentioned in Article 
VIII., and shall proceed im- 
partially and carefully to ex- 



Articulo V 

Los arbitros se reuniran en 
Paris dentro de los sesenta dias 
'despues de la entrega de los 
argumentos impresos menciona- 
dos en el Artfculo VIII., y pro- 
cederan a examinar y decidir 



35 3 Appendix 

amine and decide the questions 
that have been or shall be laid 
before them as herein provided 
on the part of the Governments 
of Her Britannic Majesty and 
the United States of Venezuela 
respectively. 

Provided always that the 
arbitrators may, if they shall 
think fit, hold their meetings 
or any of them at any other 
place which they may deter- 
mine. 

All questions considered by 
the tribunal, including the final 
decision, shall be determined 
by a majority of all the arbi- 
trators. 

Each of the high contract- 
ing parties shall name one per- 
son as its agent to attend the 
tribunal and to represent it 
generally in all matters con- 
nected with the tribunal. 



imparcial y cuidadosamente las 
cuestiones que se les hayan 
sometido 6 se les presentaren, 
segun aqui se estipula, por parte 
de los Gobiernos de los Estados 
Unidos de Venezuela y de Su 
Majestad Britanica respectiva- 
mente. 

Pero queda siempre enten- 
dido que los arbitros, si lo juz- 
gan conveniente, podran cele- 
brar sus reuniones, d algunas 
de ellas, en cualquier otro lugar 
que determinen. 

Todas las cuestiones consi- 
deradas por el Tribunal, inclu- 
sive la decision definitiva, seran 
resueltas por mayoria de todos 
los arbitros. 

Cada una de las altas partes 
contratantes nombrara como su 
Agente una persona que asista 
al Tribunal y la represente ge- 
neralmente en todos los asuntos 
conexos con el Tribunal. 



Article VI 

The printed case of each of 
the two parties, accompanied 
by the documents, the official 
correspondence, and other evi- 
dence on which each relies, 
shall be delivered in duplicate 
to each of the arbitrators and 
to the agent of the other party 
as soon as may be after the 
appointment of the members of 
the tribunal, but within a period 
not exceeding eight months 
from .the date of the exchange 
of the ratifications of this treaty. 



Articulo VI 

Tan pronto como sea posible 
despues de nombrados los miem- 
bros del Tribunal, pero dentro 
de un plazo que no excedera de 
ocho meses contados desde la 
fecha del canje de las ratifica- 
ciones de este Tratado, se en- 
tregara por duplicado a cada 
uno de los arbitros y al Agente 
de la otra parte, el Alegato im- 
preso de cada una de las dos 
partes acompanado de los docu- 
mentos, la correspondencia ofi- 
cial y las demas pruebas, en 
que cada una se apoye. 



Appendix 



359 



Article VII 

Within four months after the 
delivery on both sides of the 
printed case, either party may 
in like manner deliver in dupli- 
cate to each of the said arbitra- 
tors, and to the agent of the 
other party, a counter case, and 
additional documents, corre- 
spondence, and evidence, in re- 
ply to the case, documents, 
correspondence, and evidence 
so presented by the other party. 

If, in the case submitted to 
the arbitrators, either party shall 
have specified or alluded to any 
report or document in its own 
exclusive possession, without 
annexing a copy, such party 
shall be bound, if the other 
party thinks proper to apply for 
it, to furnish that party with a 
copy thereof, and either party 
may call upon the other, through 
the arbitrators, to produce the 
originals or certified copies of 
any papers adduced as evi- 
dence, giving in each instance 
notice thereof within thirty days 
after delivery of the case ; and 
the original or copy so re- 
quested shall be delivered as 
soon as may be, and within a 
period not exceeding forty days 
after receipt of notice. 



Articulo VII 

Dentro de los cuatro meses 
siguientes a la entrega por am- 
bas partes del Alegato impreso, 
una u otra podra del mismo 
modo entregar por duplicado a 
cada uno de dichos Arbitros, y 
al Agente de la otra parte, un 
contra-Alegato y nuevos docu- 
mentos, correspondencia y 
pruebas, para contestar al Ale- 
gato, documentos, correspon- 
dencia y pruebas presentados 
por la otra parte. 

Si en el Alegato sometido a 
los arbitros una u otra parte 
hubiere especificado 6 citado 
algun informe 6 documento que 
este" en su exclusiva posesion, 
sin agregar copia, tal parte 
quedara obligada, si la otra 
cree conveniente pedirla, a su- 
ministrarle copia de ello y una 
u otra parte podra excitar a la 
otra, por medio de los Arbitros, 
a producir los originales 6 copias 
certificadas de los papeles adu- 
cidos como pruebas, dando en 
cada caso aviso de esto dentro 
de los treinta dias despuds de la 
presentacidn del Alegato ; y el 
original 6 la copia pedidos se 
entregaran tan pronto como sea 
posible y dentro de un plazo 
que no exceda de cuarenta dias 
despues del recibo del aviso. 



Article VIII 

It shall be the duty of the 

agent of each party, within 

three months after the expira- 



Articulo VIII 

El Agente de cada parte, 
dentro de los tres meses des- 
pue's de la expiracidn del tiempo 



:6o 



Appendix 



tion of the time limited for the 
delivery of the counter case on 
both sides, to deliver in dupli- 
cate to each of the said arbitra- 
tors and to the agent of the 
other party a printed argument 
showing the points and referring 
to the evidence upon which his 
Government relies, and either 
party may also support the 
same before the arbitrators by 
oral argument of counsel ; and 
the arbitrators may, if they 
desire further elucidation with 
regard to any point, require a 
written or printed statement or 
argument, or oral argument by 
counsel, upon it; but in such 
case the other party shall be 
entitled to reply either orally 
or in writing, as the case may 
be. 

Article IX 

The arbitrators may, for any 
cause deemed by them suffi- 
cient, enlarge either of the 
periods fixed by Articles VI., 
VII., and VIII. by the al- 
lowance of thirty days addi- 
tional. 



sehalado para la entrega del 
contra- Alegato por ambas partes, 
debera entregar por duplicado a 
cada uno de dichos arbitros y 
al Agente de la otra parte un 
argumento impreso que sehale 
los puntos y cite las pruebas en 
que se funda su Gobierno, y 
cualquiera de las dos partes 
podra tambi^n apoyarlo ante los 
arbitros con argumentos orales 
de su abogado ; y los arbitros 
podran, si desean mayor esclare- 
cimiento con respecto a algun 
punto, requerir sobre el una 
exposition 6 argumento escritos 
6 impresos, 6 argumentos orales 
del abogado; pero en tal caso 
la otra parte tendra derecho a 
contestar oralmente 6 por es- 
crito, segun fuere el caso. 



Articulo IX 

Los Arbitros por cualquier 
causa que juzguen suficiente 
podran prorogar uno u otro de 
los plazos fijados en los Articu- 
los VI, VII y VIII, con- 
cediendo treinta dias adicio- 
nales. 



Article X 

The decision of the tribunal 
shall, if possible, be made with- 
in three months from the close 
of the argument on both sides. 

It shall be made in writing 
and dated, and shall be signed 
by the arbitrators who may 
assent to it. 

The decision shall be in 
duplicate, one copy whereof 



Articulo X 

Si fuere posible, el Tribunal 
dara su decision dentro de tres 
meses contados desde que ter- 
mine la argumentation por am- 
bos lados. 

La decision se dara por es- 
crfto, llevara fecha y se firmara, 
por los Arbitros que asientan a 
ella. 

La decision se extendera por 



Appendix 



361 



shall be delivered to the agent 
of Great Britain for his Govern- 
ment, and the other copy shall 
be delivered to the agent of the 
United States of Venezuela for 
his Government. 

Article XI 
The arbitrators shall keep an 
accurate record of their pro- 
ceedings and may appoint and 
employ the necessary officers to 
assist them. 

Article XII 

Each Government shall pay 
its own agent and provide for 
the proper remuneration of the 
counsel employed by it and of 
the arbitrators appointed by it 
or in its behalf, and for the ex- 
pense of preparing and submit- 
ting its case to the tribunal. 
All other expenses connected 
with the arbitration shall be 
defrayed by the two Govern- 
ments, in equal moieties. 



duplicado ; de ella se entregara" 
un ejemplar al Agente de los 
Estados Unidos de Venezuela 
para su Gobierno, y el otro se 
entregara al Agente de la Gran 
Bretaiia para su Gobierno. 

Articulo XI 
Los Arbitros llevaran un re- 
gistro exacto de sus procedi- 
mientos y podran elegir y em- 
plear las personas que necesiten 
para su ayuda. 

Articulo XII 
Cada Gobierno pagara a su 
propio Agente y proveera la 
remuneracidn conveniente para 
el abogado que emplee y para 
los arbitros elegidos por el 6 
en su nombre, y costeara los 
gastos de la preparacidn y 
sometimiento de su causa al 
Tribunal. Los dos Gobiernos 
satisfaran por partes iguales 
todos los demas gastos relativos 
al arbitramento. 



Article XIII 
The high contracting parties 
engage to consider the result 
of the proceedings of the tribu- 
nal of arbitration as a full, per- 
fect, and final settlement of all 
the questions referred to the 
arbitrators. 



Articulo XIII 
Las altas partes contratantes 
se obligan a considerar el re- 
sultado de los procedimientos 
del Tribunal de arbitramento 
como arreglo pleno, perfecto y 
definitivo de todas las cues- 
tiones sometidas a los arbitros. 



Article XIV 

The present treaty shall be 
duly ratified by Her Britannic 
Majesty and by the President 
of the United States of Vene- 



Articulo XIV 
El presente Tratado sera" 
debidamente ratificado por el 
Presidente de los Estados Uni- 
dos de Venezuela con la apro- 



362 



Appendix 



zuela, by and with the approval 
of the Congress thereof; and 
the ratifications shall be ex- 
changed in London or in Wash- 
ington within six months from 
the date hereof. 

In faith whereof, we, the re- 
spective Plenipotentiaries, have 
signed this treaty and have 
hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done in duplicate at Wash- 
ington, the second day of 
February, one thousand eight 
hundred and ninety-seven. 



JULIAN PAUNCEFOTE. 

[seal.] 
JOSE ANDRADE. [seal.] 



bacion del Congreso de ellos, 
y por Su Majestad Britanica : 
y las ratificaciones se canjea- 
ran en Washington 6 en Lon- 
dres dentro de los seis meses 
contados desde la fecha del 
presente tratado. 

En fe de lo cual los respecti- 
vos Plenipotenciarios hemos 
firmado este tratado y le hemos 
puesto nuestros sellos. 

Hecho por duplicado en 
Washington, a dos de Fe- 
brero, de mil ochocientos no- 
venta y siete. 

JOSE" ANDRADE. [sello.] 
JULIAN PAUNCEFOTE. 

[sello.] 



Appendix B 



CONVENTION between the United States and the Re- 
public of Panama for the construction of a ship canal 
to connect the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. 
Signed at Washington, November 18, 1903 ; ratification ad- 
vised by the Senate, February 23, 1904 ; ratified by the Presi- 
dent, February 25, 1904; ratified by Panama, December 2, 
1903; ratifications exchanged at Washington, February 26, 
1904; proclaimed, February 26, 1904. 

The United States of America and the Republic of Panama 
being desirous to insure the construction of a ship canal across the 
Isthmus of Panama to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and 
the Congress of the United States of America having passed an 
act approved June 28, 1902, in furtherance of that object, by which 
the President of the United States is authorized to acquire within 
a reasonable time the control of the necessary territory of the 
Republic of Colombia, and the sovereignty of such territory being 
actually vested in the Republic of Panama, the high contracting 
parties have resolved for that purpose to conclude a convention 
and have accordingly appointed as their plenipotentiaries, — 

The President of the United States of America, John Hay, Sec- 
retary of State, and 

The Government of the Republic of Panama, Philippe Bunau- 
Varilla, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
Republic of Panama, thereunto specially empowered by said gov- 
ernment, who after communicating with each other their respective 
full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon 
and concluded the following articles : 

Article I 

The United States guarantees and will maintain the independ- 
ence of the Republic of Panama. 



364 Appendix 



Article II 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States in per- 
petuity the use, occupation and control of a zone of land and land 
under water for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanita- 
tion and protection of said Canal of the width of ten miles extend- 
ing to the distance of five miles on each side of the center line of 
the route of the Canal to be constructed ; the said zone beginning 
in the Caribbean Sea three marine miles from mean low water 
mark and extending to and across the Isthmus of Panama into the 
Pacific ocean to a distance of three marine miles from mean low 
water mark with the proviso that the cities of Panama and Colon 
and the harbors adjacent to said cities, which are included within 
the boundaries of the zone above described, shall not be included 
within this grant. The Republic of Panama further grants to the 
United States in perpetuity the use, occupation and control of any 
other lands and waters outside of the zone above described which 
may be necessary and convenient for the construction, mainte- 
nance, operation, sanitation and protection of the said Canal or of 
any auxiliary canals or other works necessary and convenient for 
the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and protection 
of the said enterprise. 

The Republic of Panama further grants in like manner to the 
United States in perpetuity all islands within the limits of the 
zone above described and in addition thereto the group of small 
islands in the Bay of Panama, named Perico, Naos, Culebra and 
Flamenco. 

Article III 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States all the 
rights, power and authority within the zone mentioned and de- 
scribed in Article II of this agreement and within the limits of 
all auxiliary lands and waters mentioned and described in said 
Article II which the United States would possess and exercise if 
it were the sovereign of the territory within which said lands and 
waters are located to the entire exclusion of the exercise by the 
Republic of Panama of any such sovereign rights, power or 
authority. 

Article IV 

As rights subsidiary to the above grants the Republic of Panama 
grants in perpetuity to the United States the right to use the 



Appendix 26$ 

rivers, streams, lakes and other bodies of water within its limits 
for navigation, the supply of water or water-power or other pur- 
poses, so far as the use of said rivers, streams, lakes and bodies of 
water and the waters thereof may be necessary and convenient for 
the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and protection 
of the said Canal. 



Article V 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States in per- 
petuity a monopoly for the construction, maintenance and opera- 
tion of any system of communication by means of canal or railroad 
across its territory between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific 
ocean. 

Article VI 

The grants herein contained shall in no manner invalidate the 
titles or rights of private land holders or owners of private property 
in the said zone or in or to any of the lands or waters granted to 
the United States by the provisions of any Article of this treaty, 
nor shall they interfere with the rights of way over the public 
roads passing through the said zone or over any of the said lands 
or waters unless said rights of way or private rights shall conflict 
with rights herein granted to the United States in which case the 
rights of the United States shall be superior. All damages caused 
to the owners of private lands or private property of any kind by 
reason of the grants contained in this treaty or by reason of the 
operations of the United States, its agents or employees, or by 
reason of the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and 
protection of the said Canal or of the works of sanitation and pro- 
tection herein provided for, shall be appraised and settled by a 
joint Commission appointed by the Governments of the United 
States and the Republic of Panama, whose decisions as to such 
damages shall be final and whose awards as to such damages shall 
be paid solely by the United States. No part of the work on said 
Canal or the Panama railroad or on any auxiliary works relating 
thereto and authorized by the terms of this treaty shall be pre- 
vented, delayed or impeded by or pending such proceedings to 
ascertain such damages. The appraisal of said private lands and 
private property and the assessment of damages to them shall be 
based upon their value before the date of this convention. 



366 Appendix 



Article VII 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States within the 
limits of the cities of Panama and Colon and their adjacent har- 
bors and within the territory adjacent thereto the right to acquire 
by purchase or by the exercise of the right of eminent domain, any 
lands, buildings, water rights or other properties necessary and 
convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation and pro- 
tection of the Canal and of any works of sanitation, such as the 
collection and disposition of sewage and the distribution of water 
in the said cities of Panama and Colon, which, in the discretion of 
the United States may be necessary and convenient for the con- 
struction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and protection of the 
said Canal and railroad. All such works of sanitation, collection 
and disposition of sewage and distribution of water in the cities of 
Panama and Colon shall be made at the expense of the United 
States, and the Government of the United States, its agents or 
nominees shall be authorized to impose and collect water rates and 
sewerage rates which shall be sufficient to provide for the payment 
of interest and the amortization of the principal of the cost of said 
works within a period of fifty years and upon the expiration of said 
term of fifty years the system of sewers and water works shall 
revert to and become the properties of the cities of Panama and 
Colon respectively, and the use of the water shall be free to the 
inhabitants of Panama and Colon, except to the extent that water 
rates may be necessary for the operation and maintenance of said 
system of sewers and water. 

The Republic of Panama agrees that the cities of Panama and 
Colon shall comply in perpetuity with the sanitary ordinances 
whether of a preventive or curative character prescribed by the 
United States and in case the Government of Panama is unable or 
fails in its duty to enforce this compliance by the cities of Panama 
and Colon with the sanitary ordinances of the United States the 
Republic of Panama grants to the United States the right and 
authority to enforce the same. 

The same right and authority are granted to the United States 
for the maintenance of public order in the cities of Panama and 
Colon and the territories and harbors adjacent thereto in case the 
Republic of Panama should not be, in the judgment of the United 
States, able to maintain such order. 



Appendix 367 

Article VIII 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States all rights 
which it now has or hereafter may acquire to the property of the 
New Panama Canal Company and the Panama Railroad Company 
as a result of the transfer of sovereignty from the Republic of 
Colombia to the Republic of Panama over the Isthmus of Panama 
and authorizes the New Panama Canal Company to sell and trans- 
fer to the United States its rights, privileges, properties and con- 
cessions as well as the Panama Railroad and all the shares or part 
of the shares of that company ; but the public lands situated out- 
side of the zone described in Article II of this treaty now included 
in the concessions to both said enterprises and not required in the 
construction or operation of the Canal shall revert to the Republic 
of Panama except any property now owned by or in the possession 
of said companies within Panama or Colon or the ports or ter- 
minals thereof. 

Article IX 

The United States agrees that the ports at either entrance of 
the Canal and the waters thereof, and the Republic of Panama 
agrees that the towns of Panama and Colon shall be free for all 
time so that there shall not be imposed or collected custom house 
tolls, tonnage, anchorage, lighthouse, wharf, pilot, or quarantine 
dues or any other charges or taxes of any kind upon any vessel 
using or passing through the Canal or belonging to or employed 
by the United States, directly or indirectly, in connection with the 
construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and protection of 
the main Canal, or auxiliary works, or upon the cargo, officers, 
crew, or passengers of any such vessels, except such tolls and 
charges as may be imposed by the United States for the use of the 
Canal and other works, and except tolls and charges imposed by 
the Republic of Panama upon merchandise destined to be intro- 
duced for the consumption of the rest of the Republic of Panama, 
and upon vessels touching at the ports of Colon and Panama and 
which do not cross the Canal. 

The Government of the Republic of Panama shall have the 
right to establish in such ports and in the towns of Panama and 
Colon such houses and guards as it may deem necessary to collect 
duties on importations destined to other portions of Panama and 
to prevent contraband trade. The United States shall have the 
right to make use of the towns and harbors of Panama and Colon 



;68 Appendix 



as places of anchorage, and for making repairs, for loading, un- 
loading, depositing, or transshipping cargoes either in transit or 
destined for the service of the Canal and for other works pertain- 
ing to the Canal. 

Article X 

The Republic of Panama agrees that there shall not be imposed 
any taxes, national, municipal, departmental, or of any other class, 
upon the Canal, the railways and auxiliary works, tugs and other 
vessels employed in the service of the Canal, store houses, work 
shops, offices, quarters for laborers, factories of all kinds, ware- 
houses, wharves, machinery and other works, property, and effects 
appertaining to the Canal or railroad and auxiliary works, or their 
officers or employees, situated within the cities of Panama and 
Colon, and that there shall not be imposed contributions or charges 
of a personal character of any kind upon officers, employees, 
laborers, and other individuals in the service of the Canal and 
railroad and auxiliary works. 

Article XI 

The United States agrees that the official dispatches of the 
Government of the Republic of Panama shall be transmitted over 
any telegraph and telephone lines established for canal purposes 
and used for public and private business at rates not higher than 
those required from officials in the service of the United States. 

Article XII 

The Government of the Republic of Panama shall permit the 
immigration and free access to the lands and workshops of the 
Canal and its auxiliary works of all employees and workmen of 
whatever nationality under contract to work upon or seeking em- 
ployment upon or in any wise connected with the said Canal and 
its auxiliary works, with their respective families, and all such 
persons shall be free and exempt from the military service of the 
Republic of Panama. 

Article XIII 

The United States may import at any time into the said zone 
and auxiliary lands, free of custom duties, imposts, taxes, or other 
charges, and without any restrictions, any and all vessels, dredges, 
engines, cars, machinery, tools, explosives, materials, supplies, and 



Appendix 369 

other articles necessary and convenient in the construction, main- 
tenance, operation, sanitation and protection of the Canal and 
auxiliary works, and all provisions, medicines, clothing, supplies 
and other things necessary and convenient for the officers, em- 
ployees, workmen and laborers in the service and employ of the 
United States and for their families. If any such articles are 
disposed of for use outside of the zone and auxiliary lands granted 
to the United States and within the territory of the Republic, they 
shall be subject to the same import or other duties as like articles 
imported under the laws of the Republic of Panama. 

Article XIV 

As the price or compensation for the rights, powers and privi- 
leges granted in this convention by the Republic of Panama to 
the United States, the Government of the United States agrees 
to pay to the Republic of Panama the sum of ten million dollars 
($10,000,000) in gold coin of the United States on the exchange 
of the ratification of this convention and also an annual payment 
during the life of this convention of two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand dollars ($250,000) in like gold coin, beginning nine years after 
the date aforesaid. 

The provisions of this Article shall be in addition to all other 
benefits assured to the Republic of Panama under this convention. 

But no delay or difference of opinion under this Article or any 
other provisions of this treaty shall affect or interrupt the full 
operation and effect of this convention in all other respects. 

Article XV 

The joint commission referred to in Article VI shall be estab- 
lished as follows : 

The President of the United States shall nominate two persons 
and the President of the Republic of Panama shall nominate two 
persons and they shall proceed to a decision ; but in case of dis- 
agreement of the Commission (by reason of their being equally 
divided in conclusion) an umpire shall be appointed by the two 
Governments who shall render the decision. In the event of the 
death, absence, or incapacity of a Commissioner or Umpire, or of 
his omitting, declining or ceasing to act, his place shall be filled 
by the appointment of another person in the manner above indi- 
cated. All decisions by a majority of the Commission or by the 
umpire shall be final. 

24 



37° Appendix 



Article XVI 

The two Governments shall make adequate provision by future 
agreement for the pursuit, capture, imprisonment, detention and 
delivery within said zone and auxiliary lands to the authorities of 
the Republic of Panama of persons charged with the commitment 
of crimes, felonies or misdemeanors without said zone and for the 
pursuit, capture, imprisonment, detention and delivery without said 
zone to the authorities of the United States of persons charged 
with the commitment of crimes, felonies and misdemeanors within 
said zone and auxiliary lands. 



Article XVII 

The Republic of Panama grants to the United States the use 
of all the ports of the Republic open to commerce as places of 
refuge for any vessels employed in the Canal enterprise, and for 
all vessels passing or bound to pass through the Canal which may 
be in distress and be driven to seek refuge in said ports. Such 
vessels shall be exempt from anchorage and tonnage dues on the 
part of the Republic of Panama. 



Article XVIII 

The Canal, when constructed, and the entrances thereto shall 
be neutral in perpetuity, and shall be opened upon the terms pro- 
vided for by Section I of Article three of, and in conformity with 
all the stipulations of, the treaty entered into by the Governments 
of the United States and Great Britain on November 18, 1901. 



Article XIX 

The Government of the Republic of Panama shall have the 
right to transport over the Canal its vessels and its troops and 
munitions of war in such vessels at all times without paying 
charges of any kind. The exemption is to be extended to the 
auxiliary railway for the transportation of persons in the service 
of the Republic of Panama, or of the police force charged with 
the preservation of public order outside of said zone, as well as to 
their baggage, munitions of war and supplies. 



Appendix 371 



Article XX 

If by virtue of any existing treaty in relation to the territory of 
the Isthmus of Panama, whereof the obligations shall descend or 
be assumed by the Republic of Panama, there may be any privi- 
lege or concession in favor of the Government or the citizens and 
subjects of a third power relative to an interoceanic means of 
communication which in any of its terms may be incompatible 
with the terms of the present convention, the Republic of Panama 
agrees to cancel or modify such treaty in due form, for which pur- 
pose it shall give to the said third power the requisite notification 
within the term of four months from the date of the present con- 
vention, and in case the existing treaty contains no clause permit- 
ting its modifications or annulment, the Republic of Panama agrees 
to procure its modification or annulment in such form that there 
shall not exist any conflict with the stipulations of the present 
convention. 

Article XXI 

The rights and privileges granted by the Republic of Panama 
to the United States in the preceding Articles are understood to 
be free of all anterior debts, liens, trusts, or liabilities, or conces- 
sions or privileges to other Governments, corporations, syndicates 
or individuals, and consequently, if there should arise any claims 
on account of the present concessions and privileges or otherwise, 
the claimants shall resort to the Government of the Republic of 
Panama and not to the United States for any indemnity or com- 
promise which may be required. 

Article XXII 

The Republic of Panama renounces and grants to the United 
States the participation to which it might be entitled in the future 
earnings of the Canal under Article XV of the concessionary con- 
tract with Lucien N. B. Wyse now owned by the New Panama 
Canal Company and any and all other rights or claims of a pecun- 
iary nature arising under or relating to said concession, or arising 
under or relating to the concessions to the Panama Railroad Com- 
pany or any extension or modification thereof; and it likewise 
renounces, confirms and grants to the United States, now and 
hereafter, all the rights and property reserved in the said conces- 
sions which otherwise would belong to Panama at or before the 



372 Appendix 

expiration of the terms of ninety-nine years of the concessions 
granted to or held by the above mentioned party and companies, 
and all right, title and interest which it now has or may hereafter 
have, in and to the lands, canal, works, property and rights held 
by the said companies under said concessions or otherwise, and 
acquired or to be acquired by the United States from or through 
the New Panama Canal Company, including any property and 
rights which might or may in the future either by lapse of time, 
forfeiture or otherwise, revert to the Republic of Panama under 
any contracts or concessions, with said Wyse, the Universal Pan- 
ama Canal Company, the Panama Railroad Company and the 
New Panama Canal Company. 

The aforesaid rights and property shall be and are free and 
released from any present or reversionary interest in or claims of 
Panama and the title of the United States thereto upon consum- 
mation of the contemplated purchase by the United States from 
the New Panama Canal Company, shall be absolute, so far as 
concerns the Republic of Panama, excepting always the rights of 
the Republic specifically secured under this treaty. 

Article XXIII 

If it should become necessary at any time to employ armed 
forces for the safety or protection of the Canal, or of the ships 
that make use of the same, or the railways and auxiliary works, 
the United States shall have the right, at all times and in its dis- 
cretion, to use its police and its land and naval forces or to es- 
tablish fortifications for these purposes. 

Article XXIV 

No change either in the Government or in the laws and treaties 
of the Republic of Panama shall, without the consent of the United 
States, affect any right of the United States under the present 
convention, or under any treaty stipulation between the two coun- 
tries that now exists or may hereafter exist touching the subject 
matter of this convention. 

If the Republic of Panama shall hereafter enter as a constituent 
into any other Government or into any union or confederation of 
states, so as to merge her sovereignty or independence in such 
Government, union or confederation, the rights of the United 
States under this convention shall not be in any respect lessened 
or impaired. 



Appendix 373 



Article XXV 

For the better performance of the engagements of this conven- 
tion and to the end of the efficient protection of the Canal and the 
preservation of its neutrality, the Government of the Republic of 
Panama will sell or lease to the United States lands adequate and 
necessary for naval or coaling stations on the Pacific coast and on 
the western Caribbean coast of the Republic at certain points to 
be agreed upon with the President of the United States. 

Article XXVI 

This convention when signed by the Plenipotentiaries of the 
Contracting Parties shall be ratified by the respective Govern- 
ments and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington at 
the earliest date possible. 

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed 
the present convention in duplicate and have hereunto affixed their 
respective seals. 

Done at the City of Washington the 18th day of November in 
the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and three. 

John Hay [seal] 

P. Bunau Varilla [seal] 



Index 



A. 

Aberdeen, Lord, 276, 287 ; " the Ab- 
erdeen line," 288. 
Adams, John Quincy, 17, 242,248, 249. 
Agualarge (in Colombia), 59. 
Aguire, the, 274. 
Alcedo, Don Dionicio, queer story of, 

13- 

Allegiance, ultimate, 136. 

Alta-Plain of Bogota. (See " Savannah 
of Bogotd.") 

Amacuro, the, 274. 

Amazon, the, 173, 280. 

Ambalema, 47. 

Amerigo, Vespucci, 192. 

Andes, the, 49, 62, 77 ; mule ride in, 
49-62 ; scenery in, 52-58 ; temper- 
atures in, 58, 59. 

Anglo-Venezuelan Boundary dispute, 
272, 273, 280-284, 285-305 ; ter- 
ritories in dispute, 274, 275 ; Eng- 
land's claim, 273, 275, 277, 281, 283, 
284, 286, 292-294, 302, 311, 317; 
Venezuela's claim, 273, 277-280, 2S9, 
290, 291-293, 302-311, et seq. ; status 
quo ante (of 1768 and 1850), 273; 
the final settlement, 306-325 ; the 
new boundary line, 323 (see map). 

Antemino or " Little Tyrol," 205-206. 

Aratura, the, 274. 

Arbitration, International, 326-333 ; in 
the Venezuelan case, 291, 295, 297- 
2 99, 3°3> 3°4» 3°6-3!o. 

Archives, Dutch-Spanish, 311, 312, 
321. 

Aristotle on Democracy, 133. 

Arsenic springs, 57. 

Asphaltum, deposits of, 239. 



Assassination of Bolivar attempted, 132. 
Atrato, the, 13, 18. 
Autocracy in Venezuela, 137, 138. 
Award (of Oct. 3, 1899) by Arbitration 

Tribunal, 306-323; a compromise, 

3 2 4- 

B. 

Bacon, Sir Francis, 270. 

Balance of Power, European, 243, 

244. 
Bamboo, the, at Guaduas, 52, 54. 
Bank of England, the, 124. 
Barima Point, 279, 281, 314; Barima 

Cano, 279, 280; Barima River, 278; 

Barima, the fable of Dutch "Post" 

at , 3 I 4~3 I 7- 

Barranquilla, 27, 31-35 ; inhabitants 
of > 33-35 i exports, 35, 36. 

Bayard, Thos. F., 298. 

Bayonne, Treaty of, 125. (See 
" Treaties.") 

Beggars, 94, 95. 

Blanco, Gen. Guzman, 209-211. 

Bogotd, capital of Colombia, 63-76; 
location and plan of city, 64, 66, 67; 
when and by whom founded, 66 ; the 
first European structure, 7^; archi- 
tecture, 67, 68; the poor classes in, 
67, 68; streets and sidewalks, 68, 69; 
plazas, 70-74; cathedrals, 70-74; 
monasteries, 75 ; the inhabitants, 
90-94. 

Bolivar, General Simon, 16, 17, 70, 74, 
126, 127, 130, 132, 134, 210, 212,214- 
216. 

Bonaparte-Wyse Canal contract (of 
J S73), 15, 334, 337- 



376 



Index 



Bonnycastle, Captain, 260. 

Boundary Dispute, the, in Guayana. 

(See " Anglo- Venezuelan Boundary 

Dispute.") 
Boyacd, battle of, 130. 



Calamar, 27. 

Cali, 26. 

Canal Projects, Isthmian (see " Pan- 
ama"), 16-19; diplomatic questions 
concerning, 19-25, 334 et seq. 

Canning, Mr., Prime Minister of Eng- 
land, 246-248. 

Caracas, capital of Venezuela, 205-219; 
when and by whom founded, 205, 20S, 
209; origin of the name, 207, 208; 
plan of the city, 208, 209; parks and 
gardens, 210; the National Univer- 
sity, 211, 212; some mythical stories, 
213,214,216; Masonic Temple, 217; 
Grand Opera House, 217; Church 
edifices, 218, 219; Pantheon, the, 
115, 216. 

Carocali, 46. 

Carthagena, 27-31 ; fortifications of, 28, 
29; trade of, 29-31; the old Inqui- 
sition Bastile, 29. 

Cattle breeding, 83, S4. 

Cauca, the, 39, 40. 

Chacao Valley, the, 205, 207. 

Chagres River, 5, 13. 

" Charleston, the, of South America," y>, 

Chauncy, the steamship Henry, 2. 

Chibcha Indians, 87, 88. 

Chichcrias (drink shops), 50. 

Chimbi, 60. 

Chocolate {cacao) culture, 235, 236. 

Church, the, 111, 128, 141, 153, 154. 

Citizenship, 156-169; who are United 
States citizens, 156-160; changes of 
allegiance, 160, 161, 162 ; naturalized 
citizens, 161-164; incongruous legis- 
lation, 162-164 ; abuses of citizen- 
ship, 165, 166 ; the remedy, 166; 
status of married women, 166, 167; 
passports, how obtained, 16S, 169. 

Clay, Henry, 17, 127. 

Clergy disfranchised in Colombia, 141. 

Cleveland, President Grover, 299, 300. 



Coal deposits, 85, 239, 240. 

Coffee planting, 52, 55, 174, 193, 231- 

234- 
Colombia (formerly New Granada) : 
topography, 170, 171, 172 ; rivers, 
172, 173; area, 170 ; geologic forma- 
tions, 172; exports, 177, 178; trans- 
portation, 178, 179; "Revolutions," 
153-155 ; constitutional changes, 139- 

I 44» 344, 345- 

Colombian Union, the old (of 1819- 
1821 ), 130-136 ; principles of the Con- 
stitution, 130-132 ; mode of elections, 
131 ; the judiciary, 131 ; Bugaboo of 
"Centralization," 129. 

" Colon- Aspin wall," 3,4, 6. 

Copper mines, 238. 

Cotton planting, S3, 227-229. 

Crusoe, Robinson, fiction of, 128. 

Cumana, 192. 

Cundinamarca, 130. 

Curacao, Island of, 180-191 ; climate, 
184, 1S8, 189; WiUemstad, 180, 181; 
soil, 183; leprosy, 1S4, 185, 186 
(note); population, 186, 1S7; reli- 
gion, 189. 

Cushing, Caleb, 18. 

D. 

Death penalty abolished in Colombia, 

141. 
Declaration of Independence, the, of 

the United States, and slavery, 116, 

117. 
De facto divisional line in Guayana, 

273, 276, 2S6, 2S8, 289, 290. 
De Lesseps, M., 15, 19, 22,23, 2 46, 334- 
Democracy in South America, 123-145; 

origin of, 123-126; perversion of, 

133, J 34, 144, 145- 
Diplomatic controversy about name of 

" Aspinwall," 4. 
Digue, the, of Carthagena, 27, 30. 
Disfranchisement of the clergy, 141. 
Dissolution of the old Colombian Union, 

136. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 195, 196. 
Dress, modes of, 96, 97. 
Dutch, the, in Guayana, 271, 282. 
Dutch Archives, 311, 312, 321. 



Index 



377 



E. 

Earthquake of 1812 in Venezuela, 216, 

217, 237. 
Ecuador, Republic of, 129, 13S, 139. 
El Dorado, the disputed, 26S-2S4 ; 

origin of the fable of, 269, 270. 
England in Central America, 257-267. 
England in Honduras and Nicaragua, 

258-263. 
"Equality," social and political, m- 

"3- 

Essequibo River, 38, 277, 302, 303. 

F. 

Ferdinand VII. and the Spanish- Amer- 
ican Colonies, 125. 

Fever, the yellow, in Caracas, 207. 

First attempt at free government in 
Venezuela, 129, 130. 

First impressions, of the Isthmus, 1-6 ; 
of Colon, 2, 5-7 ; of Salgar and Bar- 
ranquilla, 32 ; of Bogota, 63, 64 ; of 
Caracas, 205-207. 

Fish, Hamilton, Secretary of State, 4. 

Flea, the tropical, 60, 61, 82. 

Flood myths of the Chibcha Indians, 
88. 

Foreigners, rights of, in South America, 
_ 156-169. 

Formalities of social life in Colombia, 
95, 96. 

French Revolution, principles of the, 
112, 124, 145, 244. 

G. 

Gil Bias, the reading of , prohibited, 128. 

Gold mines, 237, 23S. 

Gorgoza, Anthoine de, 14. 

Granville, Earl, 291. 

Gravesande, Governor van 's, of Guay- 

ana, 278 (note), 319 (note). 
Gresham, Walter Q., Secretary of State, 

298, 299. 
Greytown, in Nicaragua, 251, 265. 
Guaduas, town and valley of, 52, 53-55. 
Guarantees of neutrality of isthmian 

transit, 24, 25, 253, 350. 
Guayana, 268 ; discovered by Spain, 

268, 312 ; a Spanish possession up 



to 1624, 272; subsequent partitions 
of, 272, 273 ; original disputes as to 
boundaries in, 273-275. 
Guira River, in Venezuela, 205. 



H. 

Habitations on the Isthmus, 8. 
Harrison, Gen. Wm. H., United 

States Minister to Colombia, 72. 
" Hise Treaty," the, 252. 
Hobbs, cited, 112. 
" Holy Alliance," the, 17, 244, 245. 
Honda, city of, 27, 42, 46, 47. 
Honduras, British colony in, 250-253. 
Horses, Colombian, 62, 84. 
Humboldt, Alexr. von, 57, 72, "jt,, 107, 

19S. 

I. 

Idiosyncrasies of speech, 91, 92 (note). 

Imataca mountains, 274. 

Independence, Spanish-American, 123- 
145; encouraged by England, 123, 124; 
apathy of the masses, 124-126; first 
pitched battle of the war, 125; internal 
dissensions, 125, 126; first recognized 
by the United States, 127, 128 ; first 
Constitution of Colombia, 130, 131. 

Indian tribes in America, political status 
of, 115, 266, 282, 283, 317, 318. 

International Arbitration, 326-333. 

Inter-oceanic canal projects, 16-19, 334 
et sea. 

"Irish" potato, the, 82, 83. 

Iron, deposits of, ore, 238. 

Islands in Panama Bay, 10, 346. 

Isthmus of Panama, 1-15; topography 
of, 7, 12, 13; climate, 5, 6; tradi- 
tions, 10, 11, 13, 15; alleged "natu- 
ral pass," 13-15; status of United 
States citizens on, 12, 20, 252, 253; 
"joint guarantees of neutrality," 24, 
25 ; independence of, 344 et seq. 



Jealousies on the Isthmus, 12. 
Jefferson, Thomas, 116, 132, 136, 137, 

158, 243, 249 (note). 
Jirardo, 49. 



37§ 



Index 



Joint Resolution of the United States 
Congress in the Venezuelan case, 297, 
298 (note). 

Judiciary, the, in Colombia, 131, 141, 
142 (note). 

K. 

Key, the, to South American Conti- 
nent, 279-282. 

Kingsley, Charles, 197. 

Knowles, Commodore, 196. 

Kossuth, Louis, and the Monroe Doc- 
trine, 253, 254. 



La Guayra, 197-199. 

La Mesa, in Colombia, 49. 

La Silla, peak of, at La Guayra, 224. 

Las Casas and negro slavery, 105, 106. 

Las Manzanas (" the apples "), 61. 

Las Tabuyas, 54, 55. 

Leprosy, disease of, 184-186 (note). 

Life at great altitudes, 70, 80, Si. 

"Literary Faculty," the, in Bogotd, 

101. 
Livingstone, Hon. Leonidas L., 297. 
Luque, Pizarro's benefactor, 10. 

M. 

Macarao, cano of, 279. 

Madison, President James, 249. 

Magdalena River, 38, 45, 49, 60 ; navi- 
gation of, 43-45, 48 ; valley of the, 
38-40, 42, 59; the negro in, 42; 
the Indian in, 43 ; forests and rep- 
tiles, 45, 46; climate, 39; agriculture, 
40; trade, 41, 42; railways, 41, 47. 

Manners and customs, 89-103. 

Manoa, fabled city of, in Guayana, 268, 
269. 

Manufactures, 59, 60, 73-75. 

Maracaybo, 192, 193. 

Marriage laws, 153, 154. 

Martin, Don Carlos, 32. 

Mazaruni and Cuyuni Rivers, 274- 
276, 277, 278, 302, 320. 

Minerals, 237,238, 241. 

Miscegenic races, 107, 10S, 114. 

Mobocracy, alias "democracy," 133. 



Mompox, in Magdalena Valley, 44. 

Monroe, President James, 245, 249. 

Monroe Doctrine, the, 25, 242-257; 
what it is, 246, 249 ; with whom 
originated, 242, 243, 246, 247 ; viola- 
tions of, 249, 250, 253, 264, 294, 295 ; 
legislative sanction of, 254, 255, 256; 
misunderstood in South America, 
256. 

Monteverde, Gen. Domingo, 125. 

Moroco (or Moruko) River, 275, 276, 

2 7S, 3 02 > 3H- 
Mosquera, Gen. Tomfc C, 141. 
Mosquito Coast Controversy, the, 250- 

267 ; the Mosquito "King," 265. 
Mount San Ruiz, 52. 
Mount Tolima, 52. 
Mule farms, 84. 

Minister, treaty of (164S), 272, 276. 
Murillo, President M., 142 (note). 

N. 

Naiguate, peak of, 224. 

Names, singular applications of, 91-93, 
209 (note). 

Napoleon I. and Spanish-America, 125. 

Nationality, law of, 156, 157, 159, 160, 
166, 167. 

Navios, Boco de, main estuary of the 
Orinoco, 279. 

Negotiations between England and Ve- 
nezuela, as to boundaries in Guayana, 
287-293. 

Negro slavery in the Americas, 104- 
107. 

Netherlands, the, Spanish, 271 (note). 

New Granada (now Colombia), 17, 130, 

x 3 6 > r 39, H°- 

Nicaragua, coast of, and Great Britain, 
250, 251; treaty with, t,37- 

North and South American colonists 
contrasted, 127-129. 

Nunez, Dr. Rafael, statesman and pub- 
licist, 135, 142. 

O. 

Occupation, British in Guayana, 317. 
Ochlocracy not democracy, 133. 
Ojeda, Spanish explorer, 192. 
Old town of Panama, 10. 



Index 



79 



Orinoco, river and delta, 192, 202, 203, 

27S-283, 284. 
Ox-carts in Colombia, 61. 



Paez, General, 196, 197. 

Panama (see "Isthmus of"): canal 
projects, 16-19, 25, 334 etseq.; the 
railway, 3; the "State" of, 11, 12; 
Congress of (1826), 17; riots in 
(1856), 9; population, 11; the pres- 
ent city of, 9, 10 ; site of former city, 
10; islands of the Bay, 10, 11, 346. 

Pantheon, the, of Caracas, 215, 216. 

Parides, Dr., Colombian Secretary of 
State, 4. 

Paramos, 58. 

Parima Lake, the fabled, 269, 270. 

Pauncefote, Sir Julian, 300. 

Pellett, Consul E. P., 32. 

Peons, Colombian, 97. 

Philip II., of Spain, 58. 

Pizarro, 10, 70. 

Portalis, the, of Bogota, 70. 

Porters at Col<5n, 3. 

Portroros, 50. 

Posadas in the Andes, 33, 56, 57. 

Prescription, new doctrine of, 30S 
(note). 

Preston, the freebooter, 196. 

Pride, Spanish, 94. 

Priests, social favorites in Colombia, 97. 

Primroses, on plain of Bogota, 59. 

" Protectorates," British, in South 
America, 250, 266, 267, 2S2, 283, 317, 
318. 

Puerto Rico, 125. 

Pumaron River, 2S6, 314. 

Punctuality, a meaningless word, 94. 



Quesada, Gonzalo Jimenez, conqueror 
of New Granada, 66. 

R. 

Race problem, the, in the Americas, 
104-122; the term "race," 108; mis- 
cegenation, 108-111 ; no race conflicts 
in Colombia, in, 114. 



Railways, 3, 18, 25, 31, 47, 61, 69, 70, 
196, 199, 200, 201, 206. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, in Guayana, 269- 
271. 

" Red Slaves " or Piotos, 319. 

Religious ceremonies in Bogota, 87, 
102, 103. 

" Revolutions " in Spanish-America, 
146-155 ; what they are, 146, 147, 
148 ; local or general or both, 147- 
149 ; their comic and tragic sides, 
149-15 1 ; the Emprestito or forced 
loan, 151, 152; reactionary move- 
ment of 1876 in Colombia, 154, 155 ; 
upheaval (of 1870) in Venezuela, 
155 ; in Panama, 344 et seq. 

Rice culture, 83. 

Rio Hache, port of, 36. 

Roraime, Mount, in Guayana, 2S8. 

Rosebury, Lord, 291. 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 112. 

Ruatan, island of, Nicaragua, 263. 

Rush, Benjamin, 246-248. 

Russell, Lord John, 266. 



Salgar-Wyse "contrat" (of 1878), 15, 

25, 334, 337- 

Salisbury, Lord, 289, 290, 298, 299,300. 

Salt mines, 86, 240. 

San Juan River (Nicaragua), 251. 

San Thome, of Guayana, 271. 

Santa Marta, 36. 

Savannah of Bogotd, 77-8S ; location of, 
77, 78; climate, 78, 79, 80-82; sea- 
sons, 81, 82 ; lakes and streams, 82 ; 
products, 82-84; ancient inhabitants, 
87-88. 

Savanilla, port of, 27, 31, 32. 

" Schomburgk Line," the, 273, 276, 
286, 287. 

Slavery, 105-107; colonial legislation 
as to, 116; England responsible for 
it in North America, 106, 107, 116- 
118 ; how sanctioned by the Colonial 
Congress, 11 7-1 18. 

Snow limit in the Andes, 225. 

Social amenities, 95, 96. 

" Social equality," 111-113. 

Soda, deposits of, in Colombia, 240. 



3 8o 



Index 



Spanish language, the, 92, 93. 

Spanish Main, the old, 26-36 ; Cartha- 
gena, 27-30; the Dique, 27; trade, 
29, 30, 31 ; the ancient Bastile, 29. 

"State sovereignty," 129, 130, 132, 

J 36, 139, i4°> I 4 I - 
Stowell, Lord, decision in the case of 

The Anna, 271 (note). 
Suffrage, restriction of, 1 18-122. 
Sugar, cultivation of, 228. 
Sulphur springs, 57. 
Sunday observances, 98-100. 
Swiss Confederation, 139. 

T. 

Temperatures in various localities, 78, 
79, 81, 225. 

Thermal springs in Venezuela, 241. 

Titles, love of, 96. 

Tobacco, cultivation of, 228-231. 

Tocaime, 49. 

Tolima, Mount, 51, 52. 

Topography of the Isthmus, 8, 9, 12, 
13. (See " Isthmus of Panama.") 

Tories (or Loyalists) of Colombia, 30. 

Traditions, 13, 14. 

Travel and transportation in Colombia, 
26, 27, 60. 

Treachery under Bolivar's administra- 
tion, 132. 

Treaties, cited or discussed : of Minister 
(1648), 272-276; of Bayonne, 125 ; of 
1 783-1 786 between Spain and Eng- 
land, 257, 258, 259; of 1848, between 
the United States and New Granada 
(now Colombia), 19-24 ; of 1850 
(the " Clayton-Bulwer "), between the 
United States and England, 250-253 ; 
of arbitration (1897), between Vene- 
zuela and England, 305, 206-310. 
(See Appendix " A " between the 
United States and Panama, 345- 
349.) (See Appendix " B.") 

Trial and punishment by proxy, 13, 14. 



Trinidad. 202. 

Tusser, quaint old, on fleas, 61. 

" Tyrol, Little," in Venezuela, 205, 206. 

U. 

United States, race problem in, 115, 
116, 118, 119-122; first to recognize 
South American States, 126. 

" Ups and downs " of a mule ride, 57. 

V. 

Valley of the Magdalena, 38-48. (See 
" Magdalena.") 

Van Hoist, Prof. H., cited, 117, 118. 

Vassalage in South America under 
Spanish rule, 124, 127, 128. 

Vegetation at great altitudes in the 
Andes, 81, 8^. 

Venezuela, 129, 130, 136, 137; origin 
of the name, 192, 193; coast of, 192- 
204 ; ignorance of, in the United 
States, 220, 221; geographical posi- 
tion of, 221; topography, 221-225; 
rivers, 222, 223. 

Venezuelan Boundary commission (of 
1896), 300,301. (See " Anglo-Vene- 
zuelan Boundary Dispute.") 

Verano ("summer") on the Isthmus. 
(See " Panama.") 

Villette, town and valley of, 55, 56, 57. 

W. 

Waini River, in Guayana, 274, 278. 
Washington and Bolivar, compared, 

i3 2 - x 34- 
Washington's farewell address, 23, 255, 

256. 
West Indies, "race problem" in, 113- 

115. 
" Wild Coast," the, 269. 
Women, married, and citizenship, 121, 

166, 167. 



THE 




By T. B. EDGINGTON, A. M. 

OF THE BAR OF MEMPHIS, TENN. 

Octavo. 360 pages. Cloth, $3.00 net. Postpaid, $3.18 



R. EDGINGTON has made a special study of the Monroe Doctrine 
and the causes which led to its promulgation. He begins his work 
with a pen picture of the wife of Baron de Krudener, whose great influence 
on the Czar led — in the author's opinion — to the formation of the Holy 
Alliance. Lord Castlereagh's policy, his suicide, and Great Britain's change 
toward the Holy Alliance are sketched briefly, leading up to the corre- 
spondence between George Canning and Richard Rush, our minister to 
England. The South American Republics and their numerous revolutions 
and changes are interestingly described, and the fact that political conditions 
in this hemisphere offer a new problem to diplomatists, one which not only 
Monroe but other early American statesmen saw, is dwelt on at length. 
The opinions and the changes in opinion of American public men on the 
Monroe Doctrine are shown in numerous quotations from public documents, 
letters, diaries, and other sources ; and the work is brought down to the present 
time, a chapter being given to our relations with the new State of Panama. 

CONTENTS— I. The Holy Alliance; II. The Holy Alliance and The 
New World; III. Metternich, Castlereagh, Canning; IV. Panama Con- 
gress; V. British Honduras; VI. Bay Islands; VII. Clayton and the 
Monroe Doctrine; VIII. Clayton and Bulwer; IX. Opinions ; X. Origin 
of Our Foreign Policy; XI. Colonization; XII. Party Platforms; XIII. 
Isolation; XIV. Coaling and Supply Stations; XV. The Empire of Maxi- 
milian: XVI. The Venezuelan Boundary; XVII. Germany and Brazil; 
XVIII. Germany and Denmark; XIX. The Isthmian Canal; XX. The 
[Recrudescence of Revolutions; XXI. The Hague Tribunal; XXII. Second 
International Conference of American States; XXIII. Effect of the Two 
Conventions; XXIV. The Calvo Doctrine; XXV. Calvo Doctrine: Public 
Policy; XXVI. Calvo Doctrine: Reciprocal Obligations; XXVII. Calvo 
Doctrine: Anarchy; XXVIII. Monroe and Calvo Combined; XXIX. Ger- 
many, Great Britain, Italy, Venezuela ; XXX. Factional Arbitration, Fed- 
eration, Receiverships; XXXI. General Observations; Appendix; Index. 

LITTLE, BROWN, gf CO., Publishers 

254 WASHINGTON STREET, BOSTON 



